Showing posts with label Release Martin Corey. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Release Martin Corey. Show all posts
Tuesday, November 19, 2013
Saturday, August 17, 2013
PUTIN FREE PUSSY C(O)UNT RELEASE MARTIN COREY
The case of Pussy Riot was adopted by human rights group Amnesty International, which designated the women prisoners of conscience. Putin stated that the band had "undermined the moral foundations" of the nation and "got what they asked for" On February 21, 2012, the group staged a performance in Moscow's Cathedral of Christ the Savior. Their music entitled "Punk Prayer - Mother of God, Chase Putin Away!" was stopped by Church officials "Punk Prayer - Mother of God, Chase Putin Away!". The women were initially imprisoned but a pussy was freed by Putin later .Putin has since given political sanctuary to whistle blower Edward Snowden and offered political asylum to prisoner of conscience Martin Corey, who has been interned without trial, for more than 3 years in British Occupied Ireland, after already serving almost twenty years for political offences.
Amnesty International have been heavily criticised for ignoring massive Human Rights Abuses in the UK and US, while at the same time, being focussed on human rights issues in Russia, who have a far superior Human rights record than Britain. The chairperson of Amnesty International UK has resigned today from his post after an outcry on Twitter. Amnesty International who used to be an excellent organization, before it was packed with UK Government agents.
Amnesty before being infiltrated, were an excellent, highly respected organization, who previously produced a report on Martin Corey's colleagues interned around Martin's original arrest, which the following excerpt from an Amensty International report explained: "Apparently pre-designated persons were arrested and not mal-treated until processed and transferred to a special interrogation centre, where they were then subjected to severe beatings and physical tortures in the nature of being forced to stand in a "search position" (legs apart, hands against wall) for hours at a time.
When they would collapse, severe beatings were again administered. This pattern was followed by prolonged interrogation, often over several hours, The prisoners were offered money to give information relating to Irish Republican Army activities in Northern Ireland. During these tortures, the prisoners were first stripped naked, their heads covered with an opaque cloth bag with no ventilation. They were then dressed in large boiler suits (one-piece coverall garments). They were forced into the search position in a room filled with the high pitched whining sound of am air compressor or similar device. This went on in some cases for 6 to 7 days. Many prisoners felt they were on the brink of insanity — one alleges he prayed for death, another that he tried to kill himself by banging his head against some metal piping in the room.
In short, the allegations are of such nature as to provide a prima facie case of brutality and torture in contravention of Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights. These statements conjure a familiar picture of activities employed by an army of occupation against a hostile population."
As a result of Amnesty's work a case was taken by the Irish Government against the British Government to the European Court of Human Rights set up after the Nuremberg Nazi Trials. Britain was found guilty of the torture of Martin Corey comrades and they promised to cease their activities. They then to circumvent Human Rights Laws, started the process of rendering their torture overseas and taught the Americans how to uses their infamous 5 torture techniques. These techniques became infamous in Abu Graib torture, invented by the British in Occupied Ireland used on Martin Corey and his comrades, almost 40 years ago in Long Kesh Concentration Camp, British Occupied Ireland.
For further details link: www.releasemartincorey.com
The Army Pulled The Trigger, But The West Loaded The Gun
How Western liberals provided the moral ammo for the massacres in Egypt.
By Brendan O’NeillAugust 16, 2013 "Information Clearing House - There is ‘world outcry’ over the behaviour of the Egyptian security forces yesterday, when at least 525 supporters of the deposed Muslim Brotherhood president Mohamed Morsi were massacred. The killings were ‘excessive’, says Amnesty, in a bid to bag the prize for understatement of the year; ‘brutal’, say various handwringing newspaper editorials; ‘too much’, complain Western politicians.
How Western liberals provided the moral ammo for the massacres in Egypt.
By Brendan O’NeillAugust 16, 2013 "Information Clearing House - There is ‘world outcry’ over the behaviour of the Egyptian security forces yesterday, when at least 525 supporters of the deposed Muslim Brotherhood president Mohamed Morsi were massacred. The killings were ‘excessive’, says Amnesty, in a bid to bag the prize for understatement of the year; ‘brutal’, say various handwringing newspaper editorials; ‘too much’, complain Western politicians.
Such belated expressions of synthetic sorrow are not only too little, too late (hundreds of Egyptians have already been massacred by the military regime that swept Morsi from power); they are also extraordinarily blinkered. To focus on the actions of the security forces alone, on what they did with their trigger fingers yesterday, is to miss the bigger picture; it is to overlook the question of where the military regime got themoral authority to clamp down on its critics so violently in the name of preserving its undemocratic grip on power. It got it from the West, including from so-called Western liberals and human-rights activists. The moral ammunition for yesterday’s massacres was provided by the very politicians and campaigners now crying crocodile tears over the sight of hundreds of dead Egyptians.
The fact that General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, the head of the Egyptian armed forces who swept Morsi from power on 3 July, feels he has free rein to preserve his coup-won rule against all-comers isn’t surprising. After all, his undemocratic regime has received the blessing of various high-ranking Western officials, evenafter it carried out massacres of protesters campaigning for the reinstatement of Morsi, who was elected with 52 per cent of the vote in 2012.
Baroness Catherine Ashton, the European Union’s chief of foreign affairs, who, like al-Sisi, is unelected,visited Egypt at the end of July. She met with al-Sisi and his handpicked, unelected president, Adly Mansour. She called on this junta disguised as a transitional power to start a ‘journey [towards] a stable, prosperous and democratic Egypt’. This was after it had massacred hundreds of protesters, placed various politicians and activists in prison, and reinstated the Mubarak-era secret police to wage a ‘war on terror’ against MB supporters. For Ashton to visit al-Sisi and talk about democracy in the aftermath of such authoritarian clampdowns was implicitly to confer authority on the coup that brought him to power and on his brutal rule and actions.
Meanwhile, the US has refused to call the military’s sweeping aside of Morsi a coup. The Democratic secretary of state, John Kerry, has gone further and congratulated al-Sisi’s regime for ‘restoring democracy’. Kerry said the military’s assumption of power was an attempt to avoid ‘descendance into chaos and violence’ under Morsi, and its appointment of civilians in the top political jobs was a clear sign that it was devoted to ‘restoring democracy’. He said this on 2 August. After hundreds of Morsi supporters had already been massacred. If al-Sisi’s forces believe that killing protesters demanding the reinstatement of a democratically elected prime minister is itself a democratic act, a necessary and even good thing, it isn’t hard to see where they got the idea from.
Meanwhile, former British PM turned UN peace envoy Tony Blair has become a globetrotting spokesman for the legitimacy of the al-Sisi regime. The army will have to take ‘some very tough, even unpopular decisions’ in its ‘steering of the country back on to a path towards elections’, he says. Most strikingly, Blair said of al-Sisi’s regime that sometimes an efficient government is more important than an elected one. In executing ‘very unpopular’ massacres in the name of making Egypt run more ‘efficiently’ – the key justification al-Sisi and his forces have given for their clampdown on Morsi supporters – the military regime is reading from a moral narrative provided by Tony Blair.
As well has being provided with moral cover by leading Western politicians, the al-Sisi regime has benefited from the effective standing-down of the Western human-rights lobby. Certainly those well-connected commentators and activists who normally make a major fuss over foreign military regimes that repress their political opposition have been mild bordering on mute in their criticisms of the new Egyptian dictatorship.
Human-rights groups like Amnesty have played a key role in keeping international eyes off Egypt by trumpeting other, apparently more pressing rights issues, such as Russia’s continued imprisonment of Pussy Riot. Astonishingly, Amnesty has just launched a new campaign called ‘Back on Taksim’, which allows Westerners to ‘check in’ online to Taksim Square in Turkey in order to raise awareness about the heavy-handed policing of the demonstration there and the brutal dismantling of the protesters’ camps. And the massacre of camping protesters in Cairo? Doesn’t that deserve an app, too? Apparently not. It’s only secular, left-leaning protesters that Amnesty and its Hampstead-based patrons are interested in, not bearded, Koran-reading blokes demanding the reinstatement of a religious-leaning president.
In fact, Amnesty has gone further than helping to divert the human-rights brigade’s attentions away from blood-stained Cairo – it has also inadvertently provided part of the justification for the Egyptian security forces’ massacres. One of Amnesty’s chief contributions to the discussion about Egypt over the past two months has been the writing of a report alleging that the pro-Morsi protest camps are abducting and torturing their opponents – that is, supporters of al-Sisi’s military regime. And the regime has enthusiastically cited Amnesty’s claims in its justification of its violent destruction of the pro-Morsi camps. The regime’s foreign minister, Nabil Fahmy, mentioned Amnesty reports in his explanation for why his forces have launched a ‘war on terror’ against Morsi supporters. Amnesty has not only implicitly played down the seriousness of the massacres in Egypt; it has also provided a moral excuse for their execution.
Alongside Western leaders and human-rights activists, the Egyptian left has also provided cover – literally – for the massacre of Morsi supporters. On every occasion when the regime’s forces have mown down its opponents, left-wing supporters of the regime have turned out in their thousands to give a democratic-seeming gloss to these killings of anyone who criticises the coup. The liberal National Salvation Front, much beloved of the Western human-rights lobby, says Morsi supporters bear ‘full responsibility’ for yesterday’s massacres.
Tamarod, the radical group that called for the removal of Morsi back in July, and which is hailed by the celebrated radical American-Egyptian journalist Mona Eltahawy as a brilliant and inspiring movement, has said it is ‘happy for [the security forces] to play their role in confronting the violence and terrorism practiced by the Muslim Brotherhood’. Both Ms Eltahawy and Tamarod have repeated regime propaganda about the Morsi camps being armed and dangerous, effectively terroristic, and thus apparently deserving of destruction. Tamarod’s provision of some pseudo-liberal, seemingly grassroots spit-and-polish to the regime’s massacres of its opponents isn’t surprising – there are now more and more claims that, in the words most recently of the London Review of Books, Tamarod is not as organic as it seems and has in fact received ‘advice, information and possibly weapons’ from the security forces.
To focus solely on what the security forces did yesterday is to imbibe only half of the story (if that) of what has occurred in Egypt over the past two months. For the security forces’ actions have been implicitly okayed by Western politicians, fuelled by the claims of human-rights groups, and supported on the streets by the Egyptian left. What we are witnessing is not simply a violent clampdown by men with guns, but effectively the Western-approved imposition of brute stability in Egypt and the bringing to an end of the Arab Spring and the idea that lay at the heart of it – namely, that Arab peoples are capable of determining their destinies free from external intervention or internal military control. That positive, spring-like belief might have been physically mown down by al-Sisi’s goons, but their guns were loaded by so-called Western liberals.
Brendan O’Neill is editor of spiked. http://www.spiked-online.com
Friday, August 16, 2013
PUSSY RIOT - Marian Price - Demand RELEASE MARTIN COREY
"As Marian McGlinchey was returned for trial accused of aiding and abetting at an Easter commemoration event, her lawyers sought reporting restrictions in the case.
They argued that she faced greater threat of being killed by loyalist paramilitaries if her details and any up-to-date photos were published.
But a judge at Belfast Magistrates' Court refused to grant the order due to a lack of evidence that the risk to life is real and immediate.
McGlinchey (59) and of no fixed address, is charged in connection with a demonstration at Derry City Cemetery in April 2011.
It is alleged that she helped another person who addressed the rally in support of an outlawed organisation, namely the Irish Republican Army.
McGlinchey, also known as Marian Price, served a jail sentence along with her late sister Dolours for the 1973 IRA bomb attack on the Old Bailey in London.
She was returned to prison when her licence was revoked following the new charge, spending two years in custody before finally being released earlier this year.
Along with her late sister Dolours, she distanced herself from mainstream republicanism over Sinn Fein's support for the Northern Ireland peace process.
Plagued by ill-health in recent years, she appeared in court today for a preliminary enquiry to determine whether she has a case to answer on the aiding and abetting a terrorist rally charge.
Wearing a brown duffel coat and glasses, McGlinchey shook her head when asked if she wanted to give evidence or call witnesses at this stage in the case.
District Judge Barney McElholm ruled that there was a prima facie case against her and returned her for trial at Belfast Crown Court on a date to be set.
She was bailed to live at an address in Belfast but banned from applying for a new passport without prior permission.
Seeking the anonymity order, defence counsel Sean Devine produced a doctor's report which stated media attention was likely to cause greater anxiety and worsen her medical condition.
He argued that police had previously informed her that she was under threat.
A newspaper article from June this year claiming loyalist paramilitaries still planned to kill her at the first opportunity was also produced.
Contending that McGlinchey's physical appearance has changed, Mr Devinesaid: "The level of protection being sought is relatively modest - images of her should not be published."
But a prosecution barrister opposed the application, stressing the late notification given by the defence.
He added: "The defendant has on previous occasions sought to use the media in pursuit of her own political and ideological ambitions.
"She was aware of the threats on her."
Dismissing the application, Judge McElholm accepted McGlinchey's appearance had altered but suggested it may be due to her now wearing glasses.
He also pointed to the amount of images and information about her already in the public domain.
After referring to the need for any anonymity application to be notified to police and prosecutors at the earliest opportunity, he ruled: "At the moment we have no objective evidence as to whether or not there is a real and immediate risk to the life and well-being of the applicant.
" ' In those circumstances I refuse to make an anonymity order.' "
Friday, August 2, 2013
TWITTERBOMB : Release Martin Corey
PLAN A TWITTERBOMB AT A SET TIME.
Our last post revealed Twitter Trends get excited when something new suddenly explodes.
For a new tag to appear suddenly, a large number of people must agree to start tweeting together at a certain time, and not before. That is a “Twitterbomb.” The next few posts will teach you how to bring that group together.
First, set a time when everyone should begin tweeting your new tag. Discourage its public use beforehand. Only share the tag through Direct Messages, Facebook, email or other means until the set time.
Beginners should set Twitterbombs during the evening when there is usually less competition from breaking news events. We trended #DoItForGabby last Sunday evening, during the Golden Globes. Targeting a major event has a higher risk of being sidelined by the competition, and a higher reward of many more eyeballs when you’re successful.
Hint: We will be trending a tag Wednesday, January 16th at 8PM. DM me if you want to join.
Welcome to our guide to effective political tweeting, with real examples from the 2012 election. The secrets revealed here will help you write tweets that motivate thousands of people to become active supporters and spread your message. Whether you’re an activist, part of a campaign or non-profit, or a reporter, this blog will be your guide to political activism and campaigns on Twitter. We keep adding to this list, so bookmark this page and watch this space, or subscribe to our RSS feed. If you need help putting these secrets to work for your campaign, check out our consulting services page or contact us.
- Understand the power of 140 characters.
- Sound like a human. Be succinct & funny.
- Limit Tweets to a single idea.
- Avoid status updates.
- Use between 85-130 characters.
- Don’t start public tweets with “@”.
- Give them something good to Tweet.
- Give them something to retweet.
- Measure twice, Tweet once.
- Never use more than one link per tweet.
- Parody accounts are caricatures.
- Host Twitter events on your website.
- Use retweet count to test messaging.
- Maximize reach on Mondays and Fridays.
- Tweet between 10-7 PM EST.
- Use #FollowFriday to show recognition.
- Don’t Tweet like teenagers text.
- Promote Tweets to combat parodies.
- Prepare new account launches early.
- Don’t feed the Trolls.
- Hashtags will be co-opted.
- Twitter Trends favor novelty over popularity.
- Plan a Twitterbomb at a set time.
- Use Direct Messages to spark Twitterbombs.
- Direct Message influencers using SocialBro.
- Followers protect against account suspension.
- 2000 Following Limit WTF FAQ
- Don’t send @mentions to many users rapidly.
- Revoke Bad Applications to Stop DM Spam
- Twitter “Hacking” doesn’t really happen often.
- Trends organize topics, then find identifiers.
- Following is the best way to get followers.
- Target geographically using advanced search.
- Ask for retweets using “please retweet”
- Use Twibbons to establish community identity.
RT Martin Corey Britain's Abu Ghraib Irish Guineapig http://www.indymedia.ie/article/103931
Saturday, July 20, 2013
INDYMEDIA IRELAND Release Martin Corey Files
Political Internment is Not Peace Process its Unconditional Surrender
international | crime and justice | opinion/analysis 
Thursday July 18, 2013 08:07
by Brian Clarke - AllVoices 
Release Martin Corey
Two co-ordinated gun attacks on 4 January 1976 in British Occupied Ireland, shot dead two unarmed members of the Reavey family and three members of the O'Dowd family, with another two wounded, one of them died a month later. These murders were part of a string of sectarian attacks on Catholics and Irish nationalists by an alliance of British soldiers and British police officers. Billy McCaughey from the police Special Patrol Group, admitted taking part and accused another British police officer, of being involved. His colleague, John Weir, said two British police officers and a British soldier were involved The O'Dowd and Reavey murders, in what became known as the murder triangle, were a major factor, in young men and women like 19 year old Martin Corey from nearby Lurgan, joining the IRA, to defend their communities from British State terrorism.
Read more links
Political Internment is Not Peace Process its Unconditional Surrender
In the Name of the Father Release Martin Corey
On 9 February 2005, then Prime Minister Tony Blair issued a public apology for the miscarriages of justice known as the Guilford 4, saying that he was "very sorry that they were subject to such an ordeal and such an injustice", and that "they deserve to be completely and publicly exonerated." If all this injustice happened in an open court, what chance does a 63 year old Irishman like Martin Corey have in a secret court, with secret paid evidence, where he has no idea of charge or length of sentence and is not allowed to defend himself? Giuseppe Conlon went to London, to simply help his son, as any good father would do on hearing of his son's wrongful arrest for terrorist offences, below is the nightmare that followed. Read more. link;
The power of the Executive to cast a man into prison without formulating any charge known to the law, and particularly to deny him the judgment of his peers, is in the highest degree odious and is the foundation of all totalitarian government whether Nazi or Communist. - Winston Churchill - Internment
Research commissioned by a group of British, backbench, Tory MPs conclude, that European judges have ruled more than 270 cases taken against Britain, has “breached a Convention right”. The final report, written by Robert Broadhurst, a legal researcher, found that since Britain signed up to the European Court of Human Right’s jurisdiction in 1966, there are more than 350 rulings on UK violation of human rights.The number of judgments made against the UK violating human rights stands at 271, against only 86 ruling otherwise”. Read more link;
Research commissioned by a group of British, backbench, Tory MPs conclude, that European judges have ruled more than 270 cases taken against Britain, has “breached a Convention right”. The final report, written by Robert Broadhurst, a legal researcher, found that since Britain signed up to the European Court of Human Right’s jurisdiction in 1966, there are more than 350 rulings on UK violation of human rights.The number of judgments made against the UK violating human rights stands at 271, against only 86 ruling otherwise”. Read more link;
Martin Corey Hung Out to Dry by Fickle Republican Politicians
"I have been in prison for over 3 years and I still haven’t been given a reason. They have put forward a number of allegations against me, and I’m not able to defend myself against any of them. They say I have been seen speaking to known republicans, and that I visited a number of houses. What does that matter? It doesn’t mean I’ve done anything wrong. They have absolutely nothing on me, and that’s why they haven’t charged me." Martin Corey Read more links;
Saturday, July 6, 2013
CONCENTRATION CAMP BRITISH INVENTION _ Release Martin Corey
in British Occupied Ireland.
"I have been in prison for over 3 years and I still haven’t been given a reason. They have put forward a number of allegations against me, and I’m not able to defend myself against any of them. They say I have been seen speaking to known republicans, and that I visited a number of houses. What does that matter? It doesn’t mean I’ve done anything wrong. They have absolutely nothing on me, and that’s why they haven’t charged me." Martin Corey
The Irish Holocaust , history's largest cover up?
The London Times editorial on September 30, 1845, stated; "In England the two main meals of a working man's day now consists of potatoes." England's potato-dependence was excessive; reckless. It warned of over-population relative to its domestic food supply and that England faced famine without importing huge amounts of alternative supplies.
Subsequently, England grabbed Ireland's surplus food, by force of arms to save England's population but also took what was need to sustain Ireland's people for profit and specifically to exterminate the Irish people. Queen Victoria's economist, Nassau Senior, expressed this clearly when stating, that existing policies "will not kill more than one million Irish in 1848 and that will scarcely be enough to do much good."
When reporters and eye-witnesses pleaded with the British, to stop the genocide-in-progress in Ireland, Trevelyan whose authority in Ireland was equivalent to Viceroyal Villiers today, in British Occupied Ireland, replied: "We must not complain of what we really want to obtain." Trevelyan insisted, all reports of famine and starvation were exaggerated. In 1847, he declared it ended and refused the American food relief ship Sorciére permission to enter Irish waters.
Thomas Carlyle; influential British journalist, wrote; "Ireland is like a half-starved rat that crosses the path of an elephant. What must the elephant do? Squelch it, by heavens, squelch it." "Total Annihilation;" was the suggestion of the London Times leader of September 2, 1846 and in 1848 its editorialists bragged;
"A Celt will soon be as rare on the banks of the Shannon as the red man on the banks of Manhattan."The Society of Friends of the "Quakers," did everything they could to to save Irish lives, but in 1847 in sheer desperation, they quit, upon hearing that the British Crown planned to systematically perpetuate with its genocide's project to enable the British complete the "ownership" of all Irish land. The Quakers stopped and refused to enable the genocide in British Occupied Ireland by pretending that the Irish Holocaust was an act of nature.
There were several "Voices in the Wilderness" risking everything to try to stop the British genocide. Jane Wilde, mother of Oscar Wilde a poet, wrote under the, nom de plume,"Speranza," in the rebel newspaper the United Irishman the following verses 1 to 6 here, about the British war crimes in Ireland of 1847, with regard to the British genocidists and the innocents of Ireland they were exterminating;
THE FAMINE YEAR
Weary men, what reap ye? "Golden corn for the Stranger."
What sow ye? "Human corpses that await for the Avenger."
Fainting forms, all hunger-stricken, what see you in the offing?
"Stately ships to bear our food away amid the stranger's scoffing."
There's a proud array of soldiers what do they round your door?
"They guard our masters' granaries from the thin hands of the poor."
Pale mothers, wherefore weeping? "Would to God that we were dead"
Our children swoon before us, and we cannot give them bread!"
"We are wretches, famished, scorned, human tools to build your pride,
But God will yet take vengeance for the souls for whom Christ died.
Now is your hour of pleasure, bask ye in the world's caress;
But our whitening bones against ye will arise as witnesses,
From the cabins and the ditches, in their charred, uncoffined masses,
For the Angel of the Trumpet will know them as he passes.
A ghastly, spectral army before God we'll stand
And arraign ye as our murderers, O spoilers of our land!"
Its 2013 and people still believe that the potato crop not native to Ireland was the reason why millions of Irish people died, in rich agricultural land, ideal for crop growth and food. Its ridiculous, the world still mocks the Irish today for their "spud famine" The Irish government, as in so many other aspects of protecting its own people, shows complete disregard for this event and when holocaust denial is illegal in Europe, our own Government enable this potato nonsense to go on indefinitely is pissing on the graves of millions of our ancestors who perished.
It is all part of the revision and denial of our real national Irish history, proving once again, that the victors really write their version of history, covering up this British and other war crimes, with their mentored, privileged, sock puppets in Ireland.
Irish Holocaust : 6,257,456 Disappeared
See link below for details:
http://www.irishholocaust.org/tollofholocaust
Thursday, July 4, 2013
RELEASE MARTIN COREY FROM BRITAIN'S SCUM STATE OF OPPRESSION
The Irish Government took a case to the European Commission on Human Rights (Ireland v. United Kingdom), regarding the introduction of internment without trial and the treatment of Irish political prisoners of conscience in British Occupied Ireland arrested around the same time Martin Corey was first incarcerated and tortured in Long Kesh Concentration Camp. The British used five techniques which they later taught to the Americans for use in places like Abu Graib later on. These included wall-standing, hooding, subjection to noise, deprivation of sleep, and deprivation of food and drink
The European Commission stated it "considered the combined use of the five methods, amounted to torture, on the grounds that (a) the intensity of the stress, caused by techniques creating sensory deprivation "directly affects the personality physically and mentally"; (b) "the systematic application of the techniques for the purpose of inducing a person to give information shows a clear resemblance to those methods of systematic torture, which have been known over the ages.. as a modern system of torture, falling into the same category, as those systems.applied in previous times as a means of obtaining information and confessions."
Forty years later despite a so called peace process, the British are still enforcing internment (albeit under a different title, sanitized to 'detention', without trial in British Occupied Ireland, while still torturing Irish political prisoners of conscience. The numbers are too numerous to list here, with 63 year old Martin Corey being just one of the better known victims.
The European Court of Human Rights also later found the British were again guilty in the case of another Irish woman Mairead Farrell, who was shot in the back in cold blood by British Special Assassination Services unarmed in Gibraltar, along with her two comrades, the European Court found that the three had been unlawfully killed in breach of Article 2 - right to life, of the European Convention on Human Rights and criticized the British for lack of appropriate care in the control and their organisation in an an arrest operation.
These two cases and the British activity surrounding them, are essential ingredients to the case of Martin Corey now pending in the European Courts almost 40 year later, despite British Government undertakings that it would cease with these international war crimes in British Occupied Ireland. Now with the 9/11 narrative the British clearly believe that with American support they have a licence to kill at will and carry on again with more war crimes and human rights abuses in Ireland as the case of the interned elderly 63 year old Martin Corey clearly demonstrates
Despite a cosmetic Peace Process masking further repression, forty years later, the British are still enforcing internment without trial in British Occupied Ireland and still torturing Irish political prisoners of conscience. The numbers are too numerous to list here, with 63 year old Martin Corey just one of the better known victims. Martin's torture is more subtle and disguised now than the naked torture and brutality he first received from the jackboot, batons and fists of the British. An example being an emergency request that took almost a month for Martin to see the prison dentist, despite suffering ongoing intense pain. He was later told his initial request had been cancelled due to lack of transport.
Despite a cosmetic Peace Process masking further repression, forty years later, the British are still enforcing internment without trial in British Occupied Ireland and still torturing Irish political prisoners of conscience. The numbers are too numerous to list here, with 63 year old Martin Corey just one of the better known victims. Martin's torture is more subtle and disguised now than the naked torture and brutality he first received from the jackboot, batons and fists of the British. An example being an emergency request that took almost a month for Martin to see the prison dentist, despite suffering ongoing intense pain. He was later told his initial request had been cancelled due to lack of transport.
His ongoing treatment by sectarian appointed staff, make his daily life hard, very hard, because of his senior years and this blatant campaign of victimization which has been unrelenting for all of the 22 years starting with his torture in in Long Kesh Concentration Camp forty years ago. Martin's aged increasingly frail body, is daily wracked with pain, from all of the beatings and old injuries he received over the years of brutal beatings, but he is too foolishly, proud to personally complain.
Another example of this petty approach by the British, to make his life hard, is a concerted campaign of victimization organized by the Prison Service against Martin Corey, when on the 11th of February, this year, Martin and two other prisoners submitted completed handcraft projects as St, Valentine’s Day as gifts for their wives and partners. The other two prisoners had visits with their loved collecting their craft items. Martin had a visit from his partner but when she went to the collection point requested by Martin, she was told there were no items for collection and to call back in a week. Several items left for Martin months ago were never received. Martin has still not received notice of his complaints being delivered to the Prison Ombudsman.
Human rights activists who campaign on behalf of Martin Have have also been imprisoned by the British, with the chairperson of the release Martin Corey Committee, Cait Trainor being arrested for attending protests and sent to prison. Thousands of Irish republicans who marched in Lurgan, to highlight the internment of Martin Corey, quietly and peacefully, were met by the RUC/PSNI and were informed that they were taking part in illegal parades and that prosecutions would follow, with every participant recorded and followed on police video cameras.
In the following days a many people were awakened at daybreak by the British taken from their homes, questioned about their involvement in an "illegal parade" and informed they would be facing legal proceedings. Subsequently 14 Irish Republicans sat through a three day trial accused of taking part in an "illegal parade". All were "convicted" with participating in an illegal Parade with two people further convicted of organizing the parade. All 14 people were convicted, some given fined while others were imprisoned in Maghaberry and Hydebank Wood.
All of this contrasted to the weeks of "illegal" parading by British loyalist flag protesters in the same area, who got 5 star RUC comfort treatment, despite days of rioting, with nationalist homes under attack and countless roads blocked, while the RUC in Portadown facilitated their marches weekly for months on end, until they were forced eventually to take token action. Campaigners for Martin, as in this instance, have received death threats from agents hired by the British secret service. All of this is meant to silent support for those campaigning for the release of Martin Corey.
Martin Corey who has been interned now on this latest occasion for over three years without charge or trial, was ordered to be immediately released by a Judge Treacy, who ruled that Martin Corey's human rights had been breached and that he should be released immediately. This was overruled by the un-elected British Viceroyal, as Martin Corey sat in the reception of the prison, with his belongings packed, waiting to embrace his family, waiting outside the prison gate. Naturally they were distraught when the British government underhandedly intervened and blocked his release and he was interned again, with an undemocratic British order, overruling their own injustice system.
Martin's local lawyer Rosemary Nelson in Lurgan was murdered by British state agents, while the lawyer Pat Finucane, who was an expert on European Law, where Martin now is forced to take his case, has also been murdered by British state agents. The local journalist in Lurgan who would normally highlight cases such as Martin's plight in the media, was also murdered by British state agents. This citizen journalist along with others who have also tried to publish the daily injustice of British Occupied Ireland, have been censored in Ireland and have received death threats from hired British agents.
Peter Murphy, Martin's lawyer says, Martin Corey has been denied the right to a fair trial, "It's like internment all over again in the sense that he hasn't been given the chance to defend his position. When we ask questions about the nature of the allegations and evidence against our client we are told nothing.In any criminal court you can meet your accuser, you have a chance to cross-examine them, and you have a chance to defend yourself because you're given the detail of what the allegations are against you. We don't have any of that, so our client is in a very difficult situation in that he's sitting in prison not knowing why he's there."
Martin's lawyers are to challenge the internment of Martin Corey in the European courts, if both they and Martin live long enough to actually get there. With Britain's record on human rights, its hard to say. The British cover their dirty tracks, with regard to their inhumanity, by cosmetically sanitizing it, renaming internment without trial as 'detention', by renaming Long Kesh Concentration Camp as the H-Blocks but then with further bad publicity following the deaths of 10 hunger strikers, they renamed it the Maze.
All of this contrasted to the weeks of "illegal" parading by British loyalist flag protesters in the same area, who got 5 star RUC comfort treatment, despite days of rioting, with nationalist homes under attack and countless roads blocked, while the RUC in Portadown facilitated their marches weekly for months on end, until they were forced eventually to take token action. Campaigners for Martin, as in this instance, have received death threats from agents hired by the British secret service. All of this is meant to silent support for those campaigning for the release of Martin Corey.
Martin Corey who has been interned now on this latest occasion for over three years without charge or trial, was ordered to be immediately released by a Judge Treacy, who ruled that Martin Corey's human rights had been breached and that he should be released immediately. This was overruled by the un-elected British Viceroyal, as Martin Corey sat in the reception of the prison, with his belongings packed, waiting to embrace his family, waiting outside the prison gate. Naturally they were distraught when the British government underhandedly intervened and blocked his release and he was interned again, with an undemocratic British order, overruling their own injustice system.
Martin's local lawyer Rosemary Nelson in Lurgan was murdered by British state agents, while the lawyer Pat Finucane, who was an expert on European Law, where Martin now is forced to take his case, has also been murdered by British state agents. The local journalist in Lurgan who would normally highlight cases such as Martin's plight in the media, was also murdered by British state agents. This citizen journalist along with others who have also tried to publish the daily injustice of British Occupied Ireland, have been censored in Ireland and have received death threats from hired British agents.
Peter Murphy, Martin's lawyer says, Martin Corey has been denied the right to a fair trial, "It's like internment all over again in the sense that he hasn't been given the chance to defend his position. When we ask questions about the nature of the allegations and evidence against our client we are told nothing.In any criminal court you can meet your accuser, you have a chance to cross-examine them, and you have a chance to defend yourself because you're given the detail of what the allegations are against you. We don't have any of that, so our client is in a very difficult situation in that he's sitting in prison not knowing why he's there."
Martin's lawyers are to challenge the internment of Martin Corey in the European courts, if both they and Martin live long enough to actually get there. With Britain's record on human rights, its hard to say. The British cover their dirty tracks, with regard to their inhumanity, by cosmetically sanitizing it, renaming internment without trial as 'detention', by renaming Long Kesh Concentration Camp as the H-Blocks but then with further bad publicity following the deaths of 10 hunger strikers, they renamed it the Maze.
Now the British plan to demolish most of it and have moved the political internees into a political prison, hidden within a criminal prison, called Maghaberry, where political internees wait for years on secret service trials, of which they have no details of charges, length of sentence, or content of secret evidence of paid informers. So it is obviously impossible to defend oneself in such circumstance. A secret court is obviously not a trial at all, except in the twisted perception of the most twisted, ever expanding secret service, injustice racketeers, paid for by British taxpayer monies.
Martin's hope, is with people like you and me, campaigning, spreading the word, despite the British and their agents, assassinations and censorship. If one of us fall or are also interned, we must be replaced by even greater numbers, resharing, retweeting, demonstrating, signing petitions which can be found at http://www.releasemartincorey.com
Martin Corey is essentially at 63 an old man, whose active freedom fighting days are long past in militant sense of defending his local community but from the British perspective, any truth teller is a subversive. Martin is being held up as an example through internment, as a stick to wave at the thousands of ex-prisoners and comrades of Martin, who have been processed and interned for years, in what is still known as Long Kesh Concentration Camp by all freedom loving people, worldwide.
Martin's hope, is with people like you and me, campaigning, spreading the word, despite the British and their agents, assassinations and censorship. If one of us fall or are also interned, we must be replaced by even greater numbers, resharing, retweeting, demonstrating, signing petitions which can be found at http://www.releasemartincorey.com
Martin Corey is essentially at 63 an old man, whose active freedom fighting days are long past in militant sense of defending his local community but from the British perspective, any truth teller is a subversive. Martin is being held up as an example through internment, as a stick to wave at the thousands of ex-prisoners and comrades of Martin, who have been processed and interned for years, in what is still known as Long Kesh Concentration Camp by all freedom loving people, worldwide.
The British under the guise of the essentially nowdefunct Peace Process, are buying off possible resistance, with lucrative careers on policing boards, committees, sham local parliaments for those willing to stay quiet about all of this injustice and to collude with the British, in their repression of Irish communities, to essentially keep them quiet, about all of this sectarian, racist injustice, that is a central feature, in the maintenance of this scum British statelet, created and maintained strictly on a sectarian headcount. With propaganda they would have the Irish working class believe, that they are enemy, not the British whose policy in Ireland, is always, divide and conquer.
This is the essential background to Martin Corey's predicament who after the murder of 14 innocent, unarmed, civil rights demonstrators, defended his Irish community in Lurgan, who were invaded almost daily, by British sponsored death squads, often in the disguise of RUC uniforms, murdering at random on a religious basis, peaceful people in their homes. Martin who shot these RUC invaders, who were subsequently disgraced and disbanded, in the course of his unselfish defence his community, against all the odds, has served 22 years for essentially being a patriot of political conscience, defending his community.
This is the essential background to Martin Corey's predicament who after the murder of 14 innocent, unarmed, civil rights demonstrators, defended his Irish community in Lurgan, who were invaded almost daily, by British sponsored death squads, often in the disguise of RUC uniforms, murdering at random on a religious basis, peaceful people in their homes. Martin who shot these RUC invaders, who were subsequently disgraced and disbanded, in the course of his unselfish defence his community, against all the odds, has served 22 years for essentially being a patriot of political conscience, defending his community.
There was meant to be a peace process to bring closure to all of this, which we now learn was never finalized, the details of which are being kept secret both by the British and their now serving British ministers in the suits of Gerry Adams and his secretive colleagues. In the the Weston park accord (20) which directly affects Martin and comrades which is not been implemented, Gerry Adams despite being being challenged in his capacity as a principal negotiator, has refused to clarify the details. Clearly after all this time and the hardship endured, not just by Martin but Gerry Adams own colleagues like John Downey but provisional Sinn fein in their elected capacity, are meant to be both accountable and responsible as professed Irish republicans. This is totally unacceptable, even to the most token Irish republican.This is the initial paragraph 20 of the Weston Park Accord:
20. Both Governments also recognize that there is an issue to be addressed, with the completion of the early release scheme, about supporters of organisations now on cease-fire against whom there are outstanding prosecutions, and in some cases extradition proceedings, for offences committed before 10 April 1998. Such people would, if convicted,
stand to benefit from the early release scheme. The Governments accept that it would be a natural development of the scheme for such prosecutions not to be pursued and will as soon as possible, and in any event before the
end of the year, take such steps as are necessary in their jurisdictions to resolve this difficulty so that those concerned are no longer pursued.
In this contrived open prison, British society, which is as sick as its many, many secrets, Gerry Adams has refused to clarify the details about all of this, playing politics with occasional feint support for the aging, frail, tortured body of Martin Corey. In the interest of justice and possible republican unity at this point, I will not elaborate further on this matter. However bearing in mind Martin Corey's elderly years, this in not tenable, indefinitely. Bottom line Gerry Adams and his colleagues do have the power to Release Martin Corey immediately. For those of you sitting on the fence, please bring it to their attention, that you are aware of this and they have as elected officials albeit British, have moral responsibilities now meant to be accountable, as highly paid British ministers have with their commoners, with regard to all of these injustices, that are destroying the basis of an enduring, genuine, Peace Process.
20. Both Governments also recognize that there is an issue to be addressed, with the completion of the early release scheme, about supporters of organisations now on cease-fire against whom there are outstanding prosecutions, and in some cases extradition proceedings, for offences committed before 10 April 1998. Such people would, if convicted,
stand to benefit from the early release scheme. The Governments accept that it would be a natural development of the scheme for such prosecutions not to be pursued and will as soon as possible, and in any event before the
end of the year, take such steps as are necessary in their jurisdictions to resolve this difficulty so that those concerned are no longer pursued.
In this contrived open prison, British society, which is as sick as its many, many secrets, Gerry Adams has refused to clarify the details about all of this, playing politics with occasional feint support for the aging, frail, tortured body of Martin Corey. In the interest of justice and possible republican unity at this point, I will not elaborate further on this matter. However bearing in mind Martin Corey's elderly years, this in not tenable, indefinitely. Bottom line Gerry Adams and his colleagues do have the power to Release Martin Corey immediately. For those of you sitting on the fence, please bring it to their attention, that you are aware of this and they have as elected officials albeit British, have moral responsibilities now meant to be accountable, as highly paid British ministers have with their commoners, with regard to all of these injustices, that are destroying the basis of an enduring, genuine, Peace Process.
Monday, July 1, 2013
IRISH DIALECTIC AT CUBAN SOCIALISM Release Martin Corey
Martin Corey in the above photo with Ruairi O' Bradaigh, is a retired 63 year old freedom fighter, now interned without trial for 3 years, after previously serving almost 20 years in Long Kesh Concentration Camp in British Occupied Ireland.
Martin Corey is not guilty of any crime. He simply believes in the re-unification of his country and has not been involved in any militant activity, since his release in 1992. It is not a crime officially, to be Irish or peacefully demonstrate support for Eire Nua, unless you live in the scum state of British Occupied Ireland.
The British are simply making an example of Martin, to strike fear in all those who would dare stand up for their human rights, particularly the thousands of ex-Political Prisoners after the peace process in Ireland who would support a peaceful alternative to provisional Sinn Fein.
The British and their agents in the supposed free state are censoring peaceful working class alternatives or a long overdue dialectic, formerly Republican congress, within the broad Irish republican movement to a peaceful, abundant, United island of Ireland for everyone.
SEE LINK : http://www.indymedia.ie/article/103818
Dialectic See Wikipedia Link the free encyclopedia
"Is amhlaidh atá Gaeil na haimsire seo agus a bhformhór ceannaithe ag Gallaibh. Ní heol dóibh gurab amhlaidh atá, ach is ea. Táid tar éis a díolta féin ar ór agus ar airgead nó ar luach óir agus airgid. Tá an fear saibhir tar éis é féin do dhíol ar mhórán, agus tá an fear daibhir tar éis é féin do dhíol ar bheagán".
Sin mar a scriobh an Piarsach sa bhliain 1912. Ach ní raibh sé gan dóchas, mar san alt céanna dúirt sé:
"Tá drong bheag de Ghaelaibh nach bhfuil ceannaithe agus is chucu sin atáimid".
Ní bhfuair Gaeil a saoirse i 1922 ná ó shin. Táid fós faoi cheannas Gall agus tá comharthaí agus torthaí an éigirt sin go follasach in Éirinn an lae inniu.
Le foilsiú an pholasaí seo ÉIRE NUA tá an Barr Bua á sheinm arís agus tá an meirge á ardú. Tá idir anailís agus treoir sa cháipéis seo. Déanaimis staidéar uirthi agus gríosaímis clanna Gael chun misnigh agus chun saohair
A New Beginning
Ireland in its national experience is unique in western Europe. The country's history as a colony of England has left its mark on Irish political, social, economic and cultural life.
Though the Ireland we have inherited has all kinds of resources and great potential for national achievement, it is far from realising that potential. Ireland is marked by underdevelopment, unemployment, emigration, poverty on a large scale, and a huge national debt. These problems, serious enough in themselves, are magnified by the continuing conflict in the Six Counties, which also has its origins in Ireland's colonial history.
A realistic assessment of Ireland's condition in 2000 shows that we have enormous problems, two failed states, and a political system that perpetuates our plight. One great obstacle to changing all that is our lack of hope. Another major obstacle is the slave mentality engendered in many of our people by centuries of conquest.
Yet the ideal of an independent Irish republic -- the ideal proclaimed by the leaders of the 1916 Rising 80 years ago -- still inspires those who continue the struggle for national unity and freedom. From the wellsprings of that ideal we can draw hope, inspiration and determination to forge a New Ireland -- making a new beginning, based on sound principles and a realistic plan, through the Éire Nua programme.
This programme can be our instrument to build a sound future for our nation. The programme embraces all the people of Ireland; it provides for a system in which all creeds and traditions can be represented and all citizens can exercise real power, without any group infringing on the rights of others. The alternative to the forging of a New Ireland is to endure the present affliction -- perhaps in the blind hope that our politicians and their EU friends will somehow magically find ways to transform our present debilitated, impoverished and undemocratic society into a nation that is strong, prosperous and democratic. But what makes that a wholly unrealistic expectation is that these politicians, the system they sponsor, and the policies they sustain and operate, are themselves at the core of the problem that confronts us. We know from bitter experience that Ireland has no real future under the direction of such politicians.
The system of partition government in Ireland has been maintained since 1922, and since 1973 under the growing influence of the EU. It is an inescapable fact, on the supreme test of results, that this system has failed. It is time to think of radical change.
The Éire Nua programme provides for a strong provincial and local government in a federation of the four provinces, designed to ensure that every citizen can participate in genuinely democratic self-government, and to guarantee that no group can dominate or exploit another. Under this programme all traditions in Ireland can make a valuable contribution to the nation. The programme and its structures will make it possible to bring together all the positive forces in the country. Éire Nua will provide the basis for implementing progressive social, economic and cultural policies.
Like other peoples, the Irish have their virtues as well as their faults. Irish men and women have made their mark throughout the world in many fields of endeavour. They have contributed in great measure to the development of America, Canada, Australia, and other countries. The Rising of 1916 and the Irish War of Independence inspired whole nations, particularly in Africa and Asia, to throw off the yoke of colonial oppression. In the light of these achievements, and of the spectacular recent advances of national rights and democracy in eastern Europe, it is tragic that the shackles still binding Ireland to its colonial past have prevented us from developing our nationhood.
So we must work to liberate the Irish people and establish a democratic system, based on justice and equal rights -- to build Éire Nua: a New Ireland . In that Ireland, Irish people will begin to experience real power in their own communities, with those communities serving as the foundation for a modern, pluralist Irish republic.
The programme is available for wide distribution, study and debate throughout the country and among our exiled children.
Éire Nua -- A new Ireland
Introduction
Irish people have demonstrated a native talent for formulating unusually effective policies for government and social administration. We have seen this, for example, in the Brehon Laws, which were in force in Ireland from the eighth to the sixteenth century, and in the dramatic influence exercised by the emigrant Irish on the constitutions and politics of the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, India, Burma, and various African states.
The creative political genius of the Irish has flourished abroad; sadly the same cannot be said for Ireland itself, especially during the years since 1922.
There is an Irish nation which is based on an organised society and distinctive culture, with roots stretching back more than 1,500 years. This Irish nation has long endured invasion and colonisation by a more powerful neighbour. For more than 800 years the Irish people have heroically resisted this aggression and each generation handed on the torch of liberty to the next. Over the centuries the descendants of many of those who came as conquerors were assimilated and were accepted as Irish. Some of the Anglo-Norman families, for instance, became "more Irish than the Irish themselves" and have made an enormous contribution to Irish life, including the struggle for freedom.
Irish Republicanism has its roots in the desire for separation from England and the right of the Irish people to the ownership and control of their own country. Since the 1790s it has developed and evolved on the basis, not merely of separatism, but also of democracy and inclusivity based on the Rights of Man.
In the great Rising of 1798 large numbers of Protestants, Catholics and Dissenters fought side by side as United Irishmen to break the connection with England and establish an Irish Republic. That effort to achieve freedom and equality was brutally suppressed and the Act of Union creating the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland was enacted in 1800. Throughout the nineteenth century it was a deliberate policy of English governments to cultivate loyalty to the Crown as well as bigotry and Orangeism among the mass of the Protestant people. They found allies also among some of the emerging Catholic professional and merchant classes. The unionists of Ulster (nine Counties) were allowed to exercise a veto over the demand of the majority of the Irish people for Home Rule and later for an Irish Republic.
From 1798 on the Republican non-sectarian position was resolutely maintained by men and women of vision and courage. The Irish Republic proclaimed in arms in 1916 was endorsed by a solid majority vote of the Irish people in 1918 and the first Dáil Éireann, embracing all 32 Counties, was established in 1919. England's response was to declare the Irish parliament illegal and to unleash forces of terror on the Irish people and their institutions.
The Republic guaranteed "religious and civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens . . . cherishing all the children of the nation equally, and oblivious of the differences carefully fostered by an alien government, which have divided a minority from the majority in the past" (1916 Proclamation).
From 1916 to 1921 the Irish Republic was stoutly defended against English forces and a civil administration was organised. Under threat of "immediate and terrible war" and with the compliance of a section of the Republican Movement, Ireland was partitioned and Ulster was divided in 1921-22.
The legal instrument used to achieve this was the Westminster Government of Ireland Act 1920. The two States which exist in Ireland today date from that time. The Six-County State was created by arbitrarily dividing the historic province of Ulster, based on a sectarian head-count, designed to produce a permanent unionist majority within the 'United Kingdom' -- now "of Great Britain and Northern Ireland". Thus was the Irish Republic proclaimed in 1916 and democratically endorsed in 1918 overthrown and two Partition States established to supplant it.
As we enter the twenty-first century, Ireland is a divided country. Six counties, containing nearly one-third of the total population of Ireland, are under an English administration whose power in Ireland is maintained by heavily armed forces of occupation. These two Partition States have been marked by emigration, poverty and economic imbalance over the decades since 1922. Normal democracy has been impossible in the artificial Six-County State. Political instability and repressive laws, a paramilitary police force, gerrymandering of electoral boundaries and discrimination in employment and housing have all been used to ensure that this part of Ireland remains within the 'United Kingdom'.
During the many centuries of English rule Ireland was administered as an integral political unit. In 1918, in the last all-Ireland election, the Irish people voted overwhelmingly for the political unity and sovereignty of Ireland. The rejection of unionism by the vast majority of Irish people is again clearly shown in the map, based on the results of the 1997 Six-County local elections.
A new electoral map of the Six Counties
This map gives a visual impression of the very extensive nationalist rejection of union with Britain. Even within unionist majority areas there is a considerable and often strong anti-union vote -- in the region of 39 per cent in Belfast and Craigavon and as high as 45 per cent in Armagh.
When this map is placed where it belongs -- within a map of the thirty-two counties of Ireland -- the unionist enclave is revealed for what it is: a small area in north-eastern Ireland.
Yet from its north-eastern redoubt the unionist minority has exercised for nearly eighty years a sweeping veto over the political will of the overwhelming majority of the Irish people. This anti-democratic faction is underpinned in its power in the north-east by the guarantees of the Westminster government. In the Hillsborough Agreement of 1985 and again in the Belfast Agreement of 1998 this minority veto was guaranteed by the Dublin administration as well, in further violation of Ireland's 32-County sovereignty.
A failed arrangement
The failure of the Partition arrangement is evident from nearly eighty years of "the nationalist nightmare" in the north-east -- occupation, repression, thought control, economic stagnation and emigration and from the British government's abolition of the Six-County Stormont parliament in 1972. Subsequent solutions, such as the 1973 Sunningdale Agreement and the 1985 Hillsborough Agreement, have underlined the failure of Partition.
The current policy, based on the Belfast Agreement signed at Stormont on April 10, 1998, seeks to make the artificial Six-County State work within the 'UK' by an elaborate and convoluted system that has been labelled "power-sharing". Since this agreement did not address the basic problem of English rule in Ireland it was flawed from the start. It was sold to the electorate as a basis for a permanent peace, which it could not deliver. It was dishonest, in that it was sold to unionists as a deal to consolidate the union with England and simultaneously urged on nationalists as something which would weaken the union and lead to a united Ireland. And the unionist veto was endorsed, allowing 18% of the population of Ireland to dictate the political progress of the other 82% and therefore of the nation as a whole. As in the case of the Treaty of Surrender in 1921 this Agreement was put to the people as a question of war or peace. Accordingly it was not a free vote; also, a majority in the Six Counties was stated to be decisive for all Ireland.
English rule in Ireland is an injustice, an infringement of Irish national sovereignty, which can be ended only by an administration in Westminster which decides to disengage and withdraw from Ireland. Anything less than such a disengagement will only prolong the political instability and lead inevitably to further armed resistance.
The 26-County State has cooperated in the deception of the Belfast Agreement and has thus sought to legitimise foreign rule in Ireland. Some 26-County politicians hanker after a return to membership of the British Commonwealth. In all of this they are aided and abetted by individuals of wealth and influence, and by some people in the media. These same politicians operate a "clientelist" system; public office is achieved and maintained by buying people's allegiance, trading favours for votes. Corruption in finance, politics and physical planning is rife and the resultant public cynicism has led to a decline in the exercise of the franchise by citizens who feel increasingly powerless.
This culture of corruption is a consequence, not merely of personal dishonesty on the part of certain individuals, but also of the highly centralised nature of the 26-County State, whereby decisions affecting the everyday life of communities are placed in the hands of an elite cadre of politicians and bureaucrats.
Enormous sums of money have been borrowed to perpetuate this system and this has created one of the highest per capita debts in the world. There has also been a deterioration in the Irish public services -- health, education and social welfare. Disillusion and frustration with the prevailing conditions have led in some sectors to a near-breakdown of social order, particularly among young people in urban areas. The Irish people deserve better government than this. They deserve leaders who are imbued with sound moral values and who are interested in genuine public service, rather than self-aggrandisement and power for the sake of power. Our long struggle for freedom provides us with endless examples of selfless men and women who dedicated their lives to the welfare of our people.
Cultural and economic consequences
These problems have been compounded by policies of cultural deprivation, with Irish identity and the Irish language deliberately downgraded. The only culture many young Irish people know is a commercialised Anglo-American pop culture, and they are denied access to any real knowledge of Ireland's long history of struggle for freedom. For years now the people of the 26 Counties have been paying more per capita for the maintenance of the Six-County Border than have the people of Britain. Yet the continued British presence in the North, and British influence in the South, have brought only tragedy and a scandalous waste of resources.
The Partition of Ireland led to a dissipation of scarce resources north and south. There has been no unified long-term capital investment in areas like energy, education, health and industry; there has been great duplication of expenditure. The impact of Partition on areas of Ireland along the British-imposed Border has been particularly injurious.
British systems of government and economic management, inappropriate for a country of our size and economic condition, have been slavishly perpetuated, north and south, since Partition. Other small countries in Europe, some with fewer natural resources than Ireland's, have made great economic strides in modern times, particularly since WWII, and have achieved high standards of living for their people. The unemployment, poverty and emigration the Irish have experienced would be completely unacceptable in Sweden, Switzerland or Finland; they should also be unacceptable here.
EU membership
Our problems were magnified when both states were led into full membership of the so-called "European Community". Such membership was unsuited to a country at our early stage of economic development -- the result of Ireland's being a British colony for centuries. No modern nation has managed to bring itself from underdevelopment to full development in circumstances of unrestricted free trade -- a situation that in Ireland's case is compounded by continued foreign occupation.
Under the Act of Union of 1800 Ireland lost half its population and suffered dire poverty and stunted growth. In the early twentieth century Ireland attempted to break entirely with Britain; but under the Partition arrangement the malign influence of British power has persisted for nearly eighty years. This influence persists within the neo-colonial framework of the EU.
Since 1972, when we were promised "markets in Europe and jobs at home", native manufacturing industries, never designed to withstand competition from heavily bankrolled multinational European industries, have been shut down. EU agricultural policy has resulted in elimination of family farms, with detrimental social consequences for rural communities.
Agricultural policy is almost totally dictated by Brussels. It has favoured the wealthier farmers and has even ordered Irish citizens to take some of their land out of production. So many have now left the land that schools and post offices are being closed down and some rural parishes even have difficulty in fielding a sporting team. This has all undermined people's idea of self-sufficiency, and the resultant movement to urban areas has increased the culture of dependency, creating new problems in the towns and cities.
Sinn Féin Poblachtach regards the European Union, as it has developed and continues to develop, as a modern form of imperialism.
It serves the interests, above all, of big business and the super-rich. Corruption is rampant there also as we saw in 1999 when the whole EU Commission had to resign. It is undemocratic in its institutions and it is overcentralising; in this it runs counter to the Republican aims of increasing the democratic power of citizens and decentralising decision-making to manageable units where all citizens can participate in a meaningful way.
It is sometimes remarked that the EU has promoted progressive policies in Ireland, like equal pay for equal work and protection of the environment. These are steps which any Irish administration could have taken at any time. Our standards should be even higher than those imposed by Brussels.
The Celtic Tiger economy has served to provide more jobs, but those who benefit most from it are those who are already rich. In recent years the gap between rich and poor has widened. There is more social exclusion and rates of real poverty and illiteracy are actually getting worse. A crisis in housing our people is with us.
Whatever economic improvements we have witnessed have been brought about by the transfer of structural and other funds by the EU and by the driving force in economic development which is based on encouraging multinational companies to locate in Ireland. This is not the solid foundation on which to build a national economy.
Too many people have been left on the margins of society and a sub-culture of poverty has been generated. Economic development based on inward investment by multinational companies means that there is no indigenous input and there are no roots in the communities. The factors which sustain such an economy are totally beyond the control of the Irish people.
(The Sinn Féin Poblachtach perspective on social and economic questions is presented in our policy document SAOL NUA.)
Sinn Féin Poblachtach recognises the enormous influence of modern technology, especially mass communications which have made the world smaller. We also recognise the interdependence of peoples and our duty to play a positive role in international affairs. But an over-emphasis on economic development, based on a rapacious exploitation of the world's finite resources and measured by growth in GNP, is inadequate. Recent United Nations Human Development Reports on Ireland have shown just how deficient such an approach is, resulting in social exclusion, poverty and illiteracy, which in turn denies many thousands of people the rights of full citizenship and leads to escalating crime.
Both states in Ireland boast of increasing the number of police and building new prisons. The suicide rate has been growing at an alarming rate. These are hardly the signs of a healthy community.
Ireland, with its historic experience of English colonisation and exploitation, has much in common with former European colonies in the Third World. We can best serve the interests of our own people and of humankind by maintaining a principled non-aligned stance in international affairs, avoiding military alliances and promoting the cancellation of Third World debt. Our democratic and egalitarian principles and our own long struggle for national independence should lead us to promote human rights and the liberation of people everywhere.
A new beginning
The following proposals indicate ways to remedy Ireland's weakened and wasted conditions and gradually bring the nation to its full health. These proposals aim to abolish the failed, undemocratic system of Partition rule, and to replace this with a democratic system based on the unity and sovereignty of the Irish people, as well as on their right as free citizens to equal treatment and equal opportunity. After decades of armed conflict and political turmoil -- and given the clear failure of the British-model systems now in operation to provide adequate and improving standards of living -- there is an obligation on all Irish people to work together to find a new, constructive way forward. Our nation is made up of diverse traditions, each of which can make a valuable and positive contribution to the community as a whole.
The structures which we propose are designed to embrace and include all the people of Ireland, on the basis of "cherishing all the children of the nation equally". Dáil Uladh and the regional and local structures in Ulster will ensure that both unionists and nationalists can have access to power -- real power.
A federal structure involves a sharing of sovereignty, and Dáil Uladh would have more power than the old Stormont ever had. Similarly in the other three provinces, all communities and citizens would have access to real power.
What we seek to establish is a pluralist participative democracy with appropriate structures at every level in society. When the malign influence of Westminster rule is removed at last a New Ireland can be fashioned by the Irish people themselves, of all persuasions. A federal system, with strong regional and local government, will make it possible for unionists and nationalists to co-operate in the common interest, pooling the talents of all and working together to build a new and prosperous Ireland.
As we enter the twenty-first century it is finally time for the Irish people to apply their undoubted creative genius, and the talent for government that they have so often demonstrated abroad, to the needs of the Irish nation at home.
Proposed Governmental Structures
The object of Sinn Féin Poblachtach is to establish a new society in Ireland: Éire Nua. To achieve that, the structures of undemocratic partition rule must be abolished; they must be replaced with entirely new structures based on the unity of the Irish people as a whole. The new system would embody two main features:
- a new constitution;
- a new government structure.
A new constitution
The new constitution would provide for;
- a Charter of Rights, to secure for citizens effective control of their conditions of living, subject to the common good;
- a structure of government designed to provide the maximum distribution of authority at provincial and subsidiary level;
- the right of Ireland to join international organisations -- eg the United Nations, the World Health Organisation -- so long as such organisations do not subvert Irish sovereignty or neutrality.
Draft Charter of Rights
A Charter of Rights would be formulated, along these lines:
We the people of Ireland are resolved to establish political sovereignty, to secure human justice and social progress in this island, to achieve a better life for all, and henceforth to live in peace with one another. And so we declare our adherence to the following principles:
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It is intended that the European Convention on Human Rights, promulgated on November 4, 1950 in twenty-one countries, be made part of the internal domestic law of the New Ireland.
Governmental structures
The system outlined here envisions a federation of the four provinces of Ireland under the co-ordination of a national parliament, with powers devolved through regional administrative councils to local bodies, so that at all levels citizens may have an effective voice in their own governance.
Dáil Éireann
The New Ireland will have a national parliament, to which all citizens of the thirty-two counties will give common allegiance, and which will embody the unity and sovereignty of the nation as a whole. This parliament -- a true Dáil Éireann -- will have the responsibility of protecting the nation's interests at home and abroad. All its actions will be governed by a constitution freely adopted by the majority of the people of the country.
Provincial government
Decentralised local government will be fundamental to the new system.
The four traditional provinces -- Ulster, Munster, Leinster, and Connacht -- have emerged as definite regions within the island of Ireland, with distinctive characteristics. Irish people in any region will be found to have a natural affinity -- in culture, sport and economic interest -- with those of their own province and county.
Uniting the historic province of Ulster will help eliminate the sectarian divisions of the past and realise the full potential for development of separated counties -- especially Donegal, Derry, Tyrone, Fermanagh, Cavan, and Monaghan. The people of the long-neglected province of Connacht will find power to escape from their isolation. The people of the provinces of Leinster and Munster will be able to pursue policies that will secure them a more equitable and balanced form of development.
Regional boards
Regional boards will plan and oversee the economic, social and cultural development of areas within their jurisdiction. They will be served by secretariats employing modern means of administration while ensuring attention to and care for the problems of all the people of the region.
District councils
District councils will give people a direct voice in their own local governance, ensuring that their public representatives are more closely accountable to the electorate.
Community councils
Community councils will give people the opportunity to improve conditions at parish level.
It is proposed that -- to signify the beginning of a new era and the unity of the country around its geographic centre -- Athlone be made the capital city of the New Ireland.
National or federal parliament
The national parliament, Dáil Éireann -- which will also be a federal parliament in that it will be drawn from the federation of Ireland's four constituent provinces -- will consist of a single chamber of about a hundred deputies, elected 50 per cent by direct universal suffrage according to the proportional representation system and 50 per cent in equal numbers from each provincial parliament. Each deputy (TD) would represent about 25,000 voters. The precise figure would be based on the ratio between the density of population of an electoral district and its geographical area.
Dáil Éireann will be representative of the whole of Ireland and elected by the suffrage of all its citizens. It will be the supreme national authority, acting in trust for the people. Its primary duty would be to uphold the Constitution and Charter of Rights adopted by the Irish people.
The national parliament, Dáil Éireann, will have the following special responsibilities:
- defending the nation, physically and politically;
- upholding the interests of the Irish people, and representing their concern for other people, in any international forum;
- formulating Irish foreign policy, maintaining Irish neutrality and independence from all power blocs, including the EU, and seeking to secure a nuclear-free world; and
- protecting and promoting Irish culture, language and literature.
Functions of the national parliament:
- the national parliament will control all powers and functions essential to the good of the nation;
- the national parliament will elect a President, who will serve as both Prime Minister and head of state;
- the national parliament will elect a Government, consisting of a limited number of ministers nominated by the President;
- the national parliament will secure the independence of the Supreme Court and of the judicial system as guardian of the Constitution;
- the national parliament will initiate national legislation, through any of the following agencies:
- its own deputies,
- the central Government,
- a provincial parliament, or
- an initiative;
- The national parliament will adopt national legislation, either
- directly, through its own deputies, or
- by initiative in specified cases;
- the national parliament will oversee collection of the federal revenue.
Provincial parliaments or assemblies
Assemblies or parliaments will be established for each of the four provinces. The representatives will be elected by the people of each province according to a system of proportional representation.
The functions of the provincial parliament will be:
- to co-ordinate activity and development in the various regions in the province, with particular care for the unique character of the Gaeltacht areas;
- to initiate and promote legislation for the social, economic and cultural development of the people within the region, with the right to initiative; and
- to co-ordinate the development and expansion of third-level education;
- to collect provincial revenue.
Regional boards
Regional boards will be established to promote and co-ordinate the economic, social and cultural affairs of clearly defined regions. The regional development board would be a single chamber consisting of:
- representatives of district councils within the region concerned, elected according to a system of proportional representation, and
- expert representatives appointed by the provincial parliament.
The regional board would have the following responsibilities:
- to assess and co-ordinate the work of district councils in their regions;
- to provide for hospitalisation and care of the young, aged and infirm;
- to supervise regional planning;
- to plan for economic growth;
- to provide for cultural development.
The following regions are suggested:
- Connacht -- two regions: North Connacht, consisting of Sligo, Leitrim, Mayo and the Boyle and Ballaghaderreen county electoral areas of Roscommon; and South Connacht, consisting of Galway, the remainder of Roscommon and the Claremorris/Ballinrobe area of Mayo plus the Gaeltacht are of Tuar Mhic Eide in South Mayo.
- Munster -- four regions: Cork city and environs, South Munster, consisting of Kerry and North and West Cork; East Munster, consisting, consisting of South Tipperary, Waterford and East Cork; and North Munster, consisting of North Tipperary, Limerick and Clare.
- Leinster -- four regions: Midlands, consisting of Longford, Westmeath, Laois and Offaly; East Leinster, consisting of South Louth, Meath, Kildare and Wicklow; Greater Dublin; and South Leinster, consisting of Wexford, Carlow and Kilkenny.
- Ulster -- four regions: East Ulster, consisting of Antrim, East Derry, East Tyrone, North Armagh, and North and East Down; South Ulster, consisting of Cavan, Monaghan, part of Fermanagh, South Down, South Armagh and North Louth; Greater Belfast; and West Ulster, consisting of Donegal, Derry City and the Faughan and Limavady districts of County Derry, the Strabane and Omagh districts of County Tyrone, and most of County Fermanagh.
- All Gaeltacht districts would constitute a Gaeltacht Region.
Each region will be served by a fully staffed secretariat.
District councils
A district council will consist of a single chamber elected by the people of a clearly defined area covering a population of 10,000 to 40,000 people.
District councils will have the following areas of responsibility:
- the welfare and security of the community and the application of the law in a humane and just manner;
- primary and secondary education;
- job creation, regulations governing employment and standards of work, trading practices, etc;
- local planning and environmental development;
- agriculture, fishing, and small industry;
- health centres, youth and recreational development;
- housing and control of rented accommodation;
- social welfare and social services.
Each district council will have a secretariat, where all services would be provided under the same roof.
Community councils
Community councils will be voluntary bodies, representing close-knit communities based on parishes or other suitable centres, such as a district electoral area. To ensure the welfare of their people and the good of their communities, community councils will have the right of audience at all district council meetings.
Please note: The above proposals are not definitive; they can and inevitably will be modified. Sinn Féin Poblachtach would in fact welcome constructive criticism of these proposals.
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Martin Corey
Interned Irish Political Prisoner of Conscience in
British Occupied Ireland
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