Thursday, June 6, 2013
BRITAIN STEALS A NATION & KIDNAPS AN OLD IRISHMAN
The 'Disappearance' of Martin Corey
Martin Corey is a 62 year old man who has now been incarcerated at the behest of the British Secretary of State in Ireland for over three years. Martin has no charge against him and the only justification for his detention by his captors is that there is a dossier of Secret evidence against him.
So what is this secret evidence and who gathered it? It leads me to my next assumption, that there must be Secret Police working in the Occupied Six Counties. Here is a definition of Secret Police:
"Secret police (sometimes political police) are intelligence agencies and or police agency, law enforcement office which operates in secrecy and also quite often beyond the law to protect the political power of an individual dictator or an authoritarian political regime.
”Instead of transparently enforcing the rule of law and being subject to public scrutiny as ordinary police agencies do, secret police organisations are specifically intended to operate beyond and above the law in order to suppress political dissent through clandestine acts of terror and intimidation targeted against political enemies of the ruling authority.
”Secret police are notorious for raiding homes between midnight and dawn, to apprehend people suspected of dissent.
”People apprehended by the secret police are often arbitrarily arrested and detained without due process."
This description sounds very familiar in the context of the Occupied Six Counties currently under British Occupation in Ireland. Familiar today and not 30 or 40 years ago.
The internment of Martin Corey strikes at the very heart of democracy and the right to a fair trial. Martin cannot expect a charge never mind a trial. The British government have removed a man from his home and family, without giving him the right to know why. Because they have given no evidence against him, Martin has no chance to challenge his internment. Martin has simply disappeared and it would seem the general public and media are content to allow this to happen.
Although We know where Martin is, he has for all intents and purposes simply disappeared , Disappeared from his home with no charge, locked in a prison cell and told he is there due to Secret Evidence. Of course in the western world he is entitled to object to this through the courts, when he did just that a Judge ruled that he should be released as his continued internment was a breach of his human rights.
The Secret Police and those who control them stepped in and ordered that he remain in jail, overstepping the rule of the Courts and removing any illusion of due process. What more evidence therefore do we need that the British Government is running a Secret Police force in Ireland to quell political dissent?
The use of secret evidence, a secret police and shady dealings going on between the British Government and the judiciary should be enough for any citizen to publicly question what is going on.
It is now time that the media investigated what IS going on, that those concerned with human rights issues and all citizens demand an explanation as to why a 62-year old man was taken from his home and incarcerated due to secret evidence that we cannot see. I question the secret evidence, is there evidence at all? Or is this a well rehearsed ploy to stifle political dissent?
Demand the release of Martin Corey, do not allow this inhumanity to continue. "First they came for the socialists,and I didn't speak out because I wasn't a socialist.Then they came for the trade unionists,and I didn't speak out because I wasn't a trade unionist.Then they came for the Jews,and I didn't speak out because I wasn't a Jew.Then they came for me,and there was no one left to speak for me."
Cáit TrainorRelease Martin Corey CommitteeMay 21, 2013
Martin Corey is a 62 year old man who has now been incarcerated at the behest of the British Secretary of State in Ireland for over three years. Martin has no charge against him and the only justification for his detention by his captors is that there is a dossier of Secret evidence against him.
So what is this secret evidence and who gathered it? It leads me to my next assumption, that there must be Secret Police working in the Occupied Six Counties. Here is a definition of Secret Police:
"Secret police (sometimes political police) are intelligence agencies and or police agency, law enforcement office which operates in secrecy and also quite often beyond the law to protect the political power of an individual dictator or an authoritarian political regime.
”Instead of transparently enforcing the rule of law and being subject to public scrutiny as ordinary police agencies do, secret police organisations are specifically intended to operate beyond and above the law in order to suppress political dissent through clandestine acts of terror and intimidation targeted against political enemies of the ruling authority.
”Secret police are notorious for raiding homes between midnight and dawn, to apprehend people suspected of dissent.
”People apprehended by the secret police are often arbitrarily arrested and detained without due process."
This description sounds very familiar in the context of the Occupied Six Counties currently under British Occupation in Ireland. Familiar today and not 30 or 40 years ago.
The internment of Martin Corey strikes at the very heart of democracy and the right to a fair trial. Martin cannot expect a charge never mind a trial. The British government have removed a man from his home and family, without giving him the right to know why. Because they have given no evidence against him, Martin has no chance to challenge his internment. Martin has simply disappeared and it would seem the general public and media are content to allow this to happen.
Although We know where Martin is, he has for all intents and purposes simply disappeared , Disappeared from his home with no charge, locked in a prison cell and told he is there due to Secret Evidence. Of course in the western world he is entitled to object to this through the courts, when he did just that a Judge ruled that he should be released as his continued internment was a breach of his human rights.
The Secret Police and those who control them stepped in and ordered that he remain in jail, overstepping the rule of the Courts and removing any illusion of due process. What more evidence therefore do we need that the British Government is running a Secret Police force in Ireland to quell political dissent?
The use of secret evidence, a secret police and shady dealings going on between the British Government and the judiciary should be enough for any citizen to publicly question what is going on.
It is now time that the media investigated what IS going on, that those concerned with human rights issues and all citizens demand an explanation as to why a 62-year old man was taken from his home and incarcerated due to secret evidence that we cannot see. I question the secret evidence, is there evidence at all? Or is this a well rehearsed ploy to stifle political dissent?
Demand the release of Martin Corey, do not allow this inhumanity to continue. "First they came for the socialists,and I didn't speak out because I wasn't a socialist.Then they came for the trade unionists,and I didn't speak out because I wasn't a trade unionist.Then they came for the Jews,and I didn't speak out because I wasn't a Jew.Then they came for me,and there was no one left to speak for me."
Cáit TrainorRelease Martin Corey CommitteeMay 21, 2013
OLD FENIANS INTERNED
History of Eire Nua
national | rights and freedoms | opinion/analysis 
Friday April 11, 2008 20:37
by Eire Nua - RM 
A New Ireland
By creating a provincial parliament for the nine counties of Ulster, within the framework of a new Ireland the partition system would be disestablished and the problem of the border removed. The Protestant people of Ulster would have a working majority and would have immediate access to power. Furthermore, the devolution of power to the local level would ensure for each community the opportunity to foster its own traditions and culture. Each region and community would have within itself the immediate power to deal with its own social and economic problems. Such devolution of power from one central authority to the people is the essence of democracy. The Nationalist population would be of sufficient strength to ensure a strong and credible opposition within reach of power. For the first time in fifty years we would see a normalization of politics with an end to the domination of one community by another and the resultant frustration and conflict.
THE HISTORY OF EIRE NUA
THE ORIGIN OF EIRE NUA
In the mid-sixties Daithi O'Conaill, the author of Eire Nua, was involved with a very successful local co-operative venture in Co. Donegal. The co-operative was located in a remote, economically depressed and neglected area, plagued by emigration and unemployment. Working with Fr. McDyer, the founder of the co-operative concept, Daithi realized that local people when given the opportunity and direction could manage and improve the local economy, stem the flow of emigration and improve the quality of their own lives.
During his involvement with the venture Daithi also realized that the physical remoteness of the local people from the center of power in Dublin was directly related to the neglect and hardship suffered by them. This condition was further exacerbated by the psychological barrier created by their forced separation from their neighbors in the six counties of Ulster occupied by the British. The experience of directing, working with and observing local people succeed in managing their own affairs, independent of central authority, had a profound effect on Daithi and was responsible for planting the seeds of the Eire Nua concept in his mind. Nurtured by his political ability and his desire to plan for the future, the seeds took root and blossomed into the concept of a new beginning not just for Donegal and Ulster but also for all of Ireland.
Daithi realized that the first step in creating a new Ireland was the reunification of the nine-county province of Ulster. In expounding on this concept in 1969, he wrote:
By creating a provincial parliament for the nine counties of Ulster, within the framework of a new Ireland the partition system would be disestablished and the problem of the border removed. The Protestant people of Ulster would have a working majority and would have immediate access to power. Furthermore, the devolution of power to the local level would ensure for each community the opportunity to foster its own traditions and culture. Each region and community would have within itself the immediate power to deal with its own social and economic problems. Such devolution of power from one central authority to the people is the essence of democracy. The Nationalist population would be of sufficient strength to ensure a strong and credible opposition within reach of power. For the first time in fifty years we would see a normalization of politics with an end to the domination of one community by another and the resultant frustration and conflict.
In 1969 when war broke out again in Ireland, Daithi was deeply involved with the Republican movement. Prior to the onset of internment in August 1971 he presented his ideas of Eire Nua to the Republican leadership and was subsequently given the green light to proceed. On the 21st of August 1971 at the West Ernan Hotel in Monaghan, with over 500 people anxiously waiting outside in the square, the Leadership of Provisional Sinn Fein publicly announced the Eire Nua program. Historians, local and foreign media and prominent people including Sinn Fein delegates from all over Ireland enthusiastically greeted the birth of Eire Nua.
THE LAUNCHING OF EIRE NUA
In 1967 while Daithi O'Connaill was putting the finishing touches to Eire Nua, an unrelated movement was coming to the forefront in the occupied six counties of northeast Ireland. The non-violent civil rights movement inspired by Martin Luther King took to the streets demanding equality in employment, housing, voting rights, police, and civil rights. These demonstrations were met with violent opposition from Stormont, the Northern Ireland Government. They were attacked and beaten by Unionists mobs led by the police (RUC) and B Specials (militia). Their homes and communities were burned to the ground, many were killed and thousands were forced to flee across the border to the Irish Free State.
One of the most significant marches of this period took place from Derry to Belfast. Bernadette Devlin, a student activist, led it. The marchers were set upon by a frenzied mob of Unionists led by the RUC and B-Specials. This was the first time that the outside world saw the true nature of the Northern Ireland State. The Republican movement was not initially involved in events of this period. However, as the state-led violence escalated against the Nationalists, the IRA was asked for help in defending the communities against the Unionist onslaught. During this same period, while thousands were fleeing across the border, the Irish Free State, notwithstanding its promise of "not standing idly by", did in fact stand by and let the onslaught happen. Meanwhile the IRA, acting in a defensive role, was successful in securing the Nationalist areas.
In the meantime, the British Government poured tens of thousands of troops into the north under the pretext of defending the Nationalist communities against the Unionist mobs. However, the role of the British army soon became evident when they ceased playing the role of "peacemaker" and were instead deployed as security forces" in Nationalist areas. To counter the successes of the IRA in defending these areas, the Stormont Government, on August 9th 1971, with the help of the British army introduced internment without trial. The victims of this pogrom were all taken from Nationalist areas.
During this period the civil rights movement became radicalized as a result of the treatment they received at the hands of the Stormont government. They participated in acts of civil disobedience including anti-internment protest demonstrations. It was on one such demonstration in Derry on Sunday, January 30th 1972 that British paratroopers opened fire, killing thirteen instantly and wounding scores of others. This murder of unarmed demonstrators became known as the Bloody Sunday massacre and in effect signaled the end of peaceful protests and the beginning of war.
Aware of the consequences of the approaching war, the Army Council of the IRA endorsed Daithi O'Connaill's plan for a political solution for Ireland. On August IIth 1971, two days after internment, they issued a statement calling for the setting-up of an alternative form of government for Ulster.
THE PROMOTION OF EIRE NUA
The statement of August 11th 1971, calling for an alternative form of government for the nine counties of Ulster, was the official launching of Eire Nua. One week later on August 18th, Ruairi O' Bradaigh, President of Sinn Fein, issued a statement endorsing the proposals. The statement said that the people of Ulster should proceed to set up a Regional Parliament for the nine counties of Ulster. It continued by saying that the settlement of 1921 that set up both the Stormont and Dublin parliaments was unworkable and against the interests of the Irish people. It called for the dismantling of both statelets to make room for the New Ireland. It concluded by calling on the people of Connacht to consider joining Ulster in setting up their own Regional Parliament.
On August 21st 1971, a convention was assembled in Monaghan to consider the establishment of an Ulster Parliament (Dail Ulaidh). Invitations were sent to a broad spectrum of people including elected officials representing various political viewpoints. All nine counties of Ulster were represented. This convention drew both national and international attention and received major media coverage. Amongst those attending were two Westminster parliamentarians, Frank McManus and Paddy Kennedy. Since these were the only parliamentary level officials present, it was decided that as a first step a council would be set up to promote Dail Ulaidh. Paddy Kennedy and Frank McManus were selected to head up the council. Aided by a constitutional expert from Dublin the council drafted structures for local and provincial governments.
The next meeting of major significance was held in Tuam, the old capital of Connacht. Desmond Fennell and Maura Conlon organized the meeting. Various organizations and individuals attended from all five counties of Connacht. This meeting drew national attention and received major media coverage, as did the meeting in Monaghan. A council was set up for the same purpose as was the council in Ulster and Officers were elected to head it up. Follow-up meetings were held in Tuam, Westport and Drumshambo.
In the spring of 1972 a committee was formed at University College Galway to study the implications of and make recommendations for setting up a federal system consisting of the four provinces. The main question considered was whether Eire Nua was to be set up as a unitary system with regional assemblies or a federal republic with four provincial parliaments. The basic difference highlighted by the committee was that a regional assembly could be suspended at will by the central government, as was Stormont by the British government. On the other hand in a federal arrangement there would be a sharing of powers between the provinces and the center. In this situation the Federal government could not suspend the provincial parliament. The Supreme Court would be the final arbiter in all disputes between the provinces and the center. The latter arrangement was selected by the Leadership of the Republican Movement and is today the basis for the Eire Nua program.
GROWING RESISTANCE TO EIRE NUA
The suspension of the Stormont government by the British government in the spring of 1972 created a political vacuum. It provided a realistic opportunity for the political parties in Ireland to put forward their solutions to achieve a permanent peace for the Irish people. The Irish Republican movement stepped into the breach and continued to politicize the Eire Nua program. A further obstacle was removed when on June 28th 1972 a bilateral truce was called between the IRA and the British government. However, the Dublin government and the various political parties who had paid lip service to Irish unity remained silent and instead resorted to undermining negotiations for peace.
On June 28th 1972 a press conference was held at the Ormond Hotel in Dublin to promote the Eire Nua program. The program was based on the formation of four Provincial Parliaments with a federal Parliament at the center. Media representatives attended the press conference from Ireland, Britain and the rest of Europe. Despite attempts to sidetrack the main issue, the Irish Republican representatives managed to highlight their proposal for a new Ireland. They emphasized that their proposals were not definitive or exclusive of other proposals. They also stated that the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedom would be incorporated in the domestic law of the new Ireland and indicated that the new Ireland would be a complete break with the past.
Due to the ongoing success and growing interest in the Eire Nua program the Dublin government became fearful of its own position of privilege and power and acted against the Republican movement by banning Sinn Fein spokespersons from radio and television. The result was that while the BBC, UTV and other major European networks carried the press conference live, Irish radio and television downplayed the event, thus depriving the Irish people of the opportunity to judge for themselves the merits of the Eire Nua program. Gradually the noose of censorship was tightened and in 1976, Conor Cruise O'Brien made censorship official government policy.
The media in the United States also applied censorship when on a coast-to-coast television discussion among Unionists, Nationalists and Republicans, broadcast from Boston, John Hume advocated and managed to have Ruairi O'Bradaigh's Eire Nua proposals deleted from the program. However, on returning to Ireland, O'Bradaigh stated that during a chance meeting with Mr. Gerry L'Estrange, a member of the 26-County Parliament, who declared that "nobody could take away from your regional government policy, it is very progressive"
UNIONISTS REACTION TO EIRE NUA
During the bilateral talks between the IRA and the British government in 1972, the late Daithi.O'Conaill presented William Whitelaw with a copy of the Eire Nua program. This action by O'Conaill left no doubt as to whether or not the British government was aware of the Irish Republican Movement's intent regarding the Irish question. However, they refused to give the Movement credit for having put forward a sound political solution to the Irish question. The talks themselves ended in failure.
Despite official censorship in the 26-county state, a Council was successfully set up in Munster to promote Dail Mumhan followed by a similar Council in Leinster. In 1973, a Council of Ireland was launched and a number of meetings were held in Athlone to promote the program. Representatives from the four provinces attended the Athlone meetings. During the same period a number of meetings were held throughout Ireland where leaders of the Republican movement discussed the Eire Nua policy with prominent members of the pro-British Loyalist and Unionist parties
At a seminar held in Galway in 1974, Frank McManus M.P. speaking of Eire Nua, stated "there was nothing as powerful as an idea whose time has come" and "the only criticism that can be made of Eire Nua, was the source from where it came and that was not a valid criticism"
In the summer of 1974, during the taping of a UTV talk show Sammy Smith of the UDA expressed his concern to Ruairi O'Bradaigh about the changing population (the lower ratio of Protestants to Catholics) in a nine-county new Ulster. Such a comment by a hard-line Loyalist leader, albeit negative, represented fresh thinking on the part of some leaders of the ultra hard-line Loyalist community. More discussions took place with the Rev. Eric Gallagher, a leading Methodist Minister who stated that political scientists in leading universities had analyzed Eire Nua and found no fault with its systems of checks and balances.
In 1976, the Rev. Billy Arklow, who later became Dean of St. Andrews Cathedral in Belfast, arranged for O'Bradaigh to make a twenty-minute presentation of Eire Nua at Queen's University in Belfast, to an assemblage that included leaders of the Protestant community. The presentation was well received as demonstrated by the number and types of questions asked. Harry Murray, Chairman of the Ulster Workers Council, had commented that the Eire Nua program was similar to the Australian system, which is a federation of states that seemed to work well.
THE UNDERMINING OF EIRE NUA
The steady growth of Eire Nua in the mid-seventies was led by the Irish Republican Movement and endorsed by the IRA. This did not deter' pro-British Loyalists and Unionists from becoming involved in direct discussions on the Eire Nua federal policy with leading Irish Republicans, most notably the late Daithi O'Conaill and Ruairi O'Bradaigh.
In 1974, Desmond Boal added his voice to the growing Loyalist opinion favoring Eire Nua. Boal, who was secretary to Ian Paisley, published a statement favoring a two-state federal solution, comprising the 26-county and the 6-county states. While the Republican leadership realized that it was a major step forward to have Loyalists and Unionists come out in favor of British disengagement and a federal solution of sorts, they felt that the two-state federation would not work as they would be eternally at logger- heads i.e. Czechoslovakia. However, discussions continued with Boal and others until the collapse of the Power Sharing Executive.
The large number of publications of that era indicates that the Irish people recognized that there was a solution and that the Eire Nua federal policy was their first choice. Amongst the most prominent publications were, Towards a Greater Ulster, Ireland as a Whole, Take the Faeroes for Example, The Third Republic, A New Nationalism - Desmond Fennell; Ulster the Future - Frank McManus M.P; Shaping a New Society - Emmet O'Connell; Our People our Future - Ruairi O'Bradaigh.
However, there were undercurrents developing within the Irish Republican Movement due to the influx of newcomers, especially in the North. Emerging from these would be the men and women who would lead the blanket protest and give their lives on hunger strike and wage an all-out war for a united Ireland. However, there were also those with personal agendas who viewed the situation as an opportune moment to take control of the Irish Republican movement. These opportunists, aware that the Republican leadership of the day was highly respected because of Eire Nua, campaigned for their gradual removal by undermining Eire Nua.
At the 1980 Sinn Fein Ard-Feis the Belfast leadership, along with branches in Dublin, moved to have the term federalism removed from Sinn Fein policy and replaced with the term maximum decentralization. Daithi O'Conaill later resigned from Sinn Fein, having become the first victim of political cleansing. Daithi later returned as Vice-President of the newly formed Republican Sinn Fein and authored Towards a Peaceful Ireland and Eire Nua - A New Democracy, the updated version of Eire Nua, prior to his untimely death in 1991.
THE REBIRTH OF EIRE NUA
To recap, the late Daithi O'Conaill, one of the leading military strategists and political visionaries of seventies founded Eire Nua. Along with Ruairi O'Bradaigh, President of Republican Sinn Fein, Daithi opened a dialogue with leaders of Loyalist groups in the occupied six counties. Many meetings were held during the Eire Nua promotional campaign of the seventies, but personal ambitions within the Republican movement and opposition from the proponents of the status quo seemed to have buried Eire Nua. In the meantime, we have been dealt initiatives, super initiatives, and now hyper initiatives by the governments in London and Dublin.
The saying that nothing good comes easy can be applied to Eire Nua as it makes a slow comeback, spearheaded by Republican Sinn Fein in Ireland. Again we see a growing awareness of Eire Nua, manifested by more meetings and media attention. Since then a number of significant events have attested to its rebirth. In December 7th 1993 a press conference was held in Belfast to launch the new bilingual Eire Nua program. At the press conference, Ruari O'Bradaigh, in a message to the Unionists, said: that in the context of an English public undertaking to withdraw, the Ulster identity is a legitimate identity which can find expression in a nine-county Ulster parliament with strong local government. The position of each of the four provinces would be entrenched in a new Federal Ireland in a written constitution with complete separation of church and state and a pluralist society. Channel Four and Sky news in Britain reported covered the press conference as did the Irish Times and Belfast Telegraph.
In June of 2000 Bertie Ahern, the 26-county Prime Minister 'damned the Eire Nua program with faint praise' by stating that while Eire Nua had its merits those who promoted it ie; Republican Sinn Fein were suspect because they did not engage in the 'peace process'. Ruairi O'Bradaigh replied by stating that the British had no problem sitting down to discuss the Eire Nua peace plan at the height of the war in the 70's.
THE ORIGIN OF EIRE NUA
In the mid-sixties Daithi O'Conaill, the author of Eire Nua, was involved with a very successful local co-operative venture in Co. Donegal. The co-operative was located in a remote, economically depressed and neglected area, plagued by emigration and unemployment. Working with Fr. McDyer, the founder of the co-operative concept, Daithi realized that local people when given the opportunity and direction could manage and improve the local economy, stem the flow of emigration and improve the quality of their own lives.
During his involvement with the venture Daithi also realized that the physical remoteness of the local people from the center of power in Dublin was directly related to the neglect and hardship suffered by them. This condition was further exacerbated by the psychological barrier created by their forced separation from their neighbors in the six counties of Ulster occupied by the British. The experience of directing, working with and observing local people succeed in managing their own affairs, independent of central authority, had a profound effect on Daithi and was responsible for planting the seeds of the Eire Nua concept in his mind. Nurtured by his political ability and his desire to plan for the future, the seeds took root and blossomed into the concept of a new beginning not just for Donegal and Ulster but also for all of Ireland.
Daithi realized that the first step in creating a new Ireland was the reunification of the nine-county province of Ulster. In expounding on this concept in 1969, he wrote:
By creating a provincial parliament for the nine counties of Ulster, within the framework of a new Ireland the partition system would be disestablished and the problem of the border removed. The Protestant people of Ulster would have a working majority and would have immediate access to power. Furthermore, the devolution of power to the local level would ensure for each community the opportunity to foster its own traditions and culture. Each region and community would have within itself the immediate power to deal with its own social and economic problems. Such devolution of power from one central authority to the people is the essence of democracy. The Nationalist population would be of sufficient strength to ensure a strong and credible opposition within reach of power. For the first time in fifty years we would see a normalization of politics with an end to the domination of one community by another and the resultant frustration and conflict.
In 1969 when war broke out again in Ireland, Daithi was deeply involved with the Republican movement. Prior to the onset of internment in August 1971 he presented his ideas of Eire Nua to the Republican leadership and was subsequently given the green light to proceed. On the 21st of August 1971 at the West Ernan Hotel in Monaghan, with over 500 people anxiously waiting outside in the square, the Leadership of Provisional Sinn Fein publicly announced the Eire Nua program. Historians, local and foreign media and prominent people including Sinn Fein delegates from all over Ireland enthusiastically greeted the birth of Eire Nua.
THE LAUNCHING OF EIRE NUA
In 1967 while Daithi O'Connaill was putting the finishing touches to Eire Nua, an unrelated movement was coming to the forefront in the occupied six counties of northeast Ireland. The non-violent civil rights movement inspired by Martin Luther King took to the streets demanding equality in employment, housing, voting rights, police, and civil rights. These demonstrations were met with violent opposition from Stormont, the Northern Ireland Government. They were attacked and beaten by Unionists mobs led by the police (RUC) and B Specials (militia). Their homes and communities were burned to the ground, many were killed and thousands were forced to flee across the border to the Irish Free State.
One of the most significant marches of this period took place from Derry to Belfast. Bernadette Devlin, a student activist, led it. The marchers were set upon by a frenzied mob of Unionists led by the RUC and B-Specials. This was the first time that the outside world saw the true nature of the Northern Ireland State. The Republican movement was not initially involved in events of this period. However, as the state-led violence escalated against the Nationalists, the IRA was asked for help in defending the communities against the Unionist onslaught. During this same period, while thousands were fleeing across the border, the Irish Free State, notwithstanding its promise of "not standing idly by", did in fact stand by and let the onslaught happen. Meanwhile the IRA, acting in a defensive role, was successful in securing the Nationalist areas.
In the meantime, the British Government poured tens of thousands of troops into the north under the pretext of defending the Nationalist communities against the Unionist mobs. However, the role of the British army soon became evident when they ceased playing the role of "peacemaker" and were instead deployed as security forces" in Nationalist areas. To counter the successes of the IRA in defending these areas, the Stormont Government, on August 9th 1971, with the help of the British army introduced internment without trial. The victims of this pogrom were all taken from Nationalist areas.
During this period the civil rights movement became radicalized as a result of the treatment they received at the hands of the Stormont government. They participated in acts of civil disobedience including anti-internment protest demonstrations. It was on one such demonstration in Derry on Sunday, January 30th 1972 that British paratroopers opened fire, killing thirteen instantly and wounding scores of others. This murder of unarmed demonstrators became known as the Bloody Sunday massacre and in effect signaled the end of peaceful protests and the beginning of war.
Aware of the consequences of the approaching war, the Army Council of the IRA endorsed Daithi O'Connaill's plan for a political solution for Ireland. On August IIth 1971, two days after internment, they issued a statement calling for the setting-up of an alternative form of government for Ulster.
THE PROMOTION OF EIRE NUA
The statement of August 11th 1971, calling for an alternative form of government for the nine counties of Ulster, was the official launching of Eire Nua. One week later on August 18th, Ruairi O' Bradaigh, President of Sinn Fein, issued a statement endorsing the proposals. The statement said that the people of Ulster should proceed to set up a Regional Parliament for the nine counties of Ulster. It continued by saying that the settlement of 1921 that set up both the Stormont and Dublin parliaments was unworkable and against the interests of the Irish people. It called for the dismantling of both statelets to make room for the New Ireland. It concluded by calling on the people of Connacht to consider joining Ulster in setting up their own Regional Parliament.
On August 21st 1971, a convention was assembled in Monaghan to consider the establishment of an Ulster Parliament (Dail Ulaidh). Invitations were sent to a broad spectrum of people including elected officials representing various political viewpoints. All nine counties of Ulster were represented. This convention drew both national and international attention and received major media coverage. Amongst those attending were two Westminster parliamentarians, Frank McManus and Paddy Kennedy. Since these were the only parliamentary level officials present, it was decided that as a first step a council would be set up to promote Dail Ulaidh. Paddy Kennedy and Frank McManus were selected to head up the council. Aided by a constitutional expert from Dublin the council drafted structures for local and provincial governments.
The next meeting of major significance was held in Tuam, the old capital of Connacht. Desmond Fennell and Maura Conlon organized the meeting. Various organizations and individuals attended from all five counties of Connacht. This meeting drew national attention and received major media coverage, as did the meeting in Monaghan. A council was set up for the same purpose as was the council in Ulster and Officers were elected to head it up. Follow-up meetings were held in Tuam, Westport and Drumshambo.
In the spring of 1972 a committee was formed at University College Galway to study the implications of and make recommendations for setting up a federal system consisting of the four provinces. The main question considered was whether Eire Nua was to be set up as a unitary system with regional assemblies or a federal republic with four provincial parliaments. The basic difference highlighted by the committee was that a regional assembly could be suspended at will by the central government, as was Stormont by the British government. On the other hand in a federal arrangement there would be a sharing of powers between the provinces and the center. In this situation the Federal government could not suspend the provincial parliament. The Supreme Court would be the final arbiter in all disputes between the provinces and the center. The latter arrangement was selected by the Leadership of the Republican Movement and is today the basis for the Eire Nua program.
GROWING RESISTANCE TO EIRE NUA
The suspension of the Stormont government by the British government in the spring of 1972 created a political vacuum. It provided a realistic opportunity for the political parties in Ireland to put forward their solutions to achieve a permanent peace for the Irish people. The Irish Republican movement stepped into the breach and continued to politicize the Eire Nua program. A further obstacle was removed when on June 28th 1972 a bilateral truce was called between the IRA and the British government. However, the Dublin government and the various political parties who had paid lip service to Irish unity remained silent and instead resorted to undermining negotiations for peace.
On June 28th 1972 a press conference was held at the Ormond Hotel in Dublin to promote the Eire Nua program. The program was based on the formation of four Provincial Parliaments with a federal Parliament at the center. Media representatives attended the press conference from Ireland, Britain and the rest of Europe. Despite attempts to sidetrack the main issue, the Irish Republican representatives managed to highlight their proposal for a new Ireland. They emphasized that their proposals were not definitive or exclusive of other proposals. They also stated that the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedom would be incorporated in the domestic law of the new Ireland and indicated that the new Ireland would be a complete break with the past.
Due to the ongoing success and growing interest in the Eire Nua program the Dublin government became fearful of its own position of privilege and power and acted against the Republican movement by banning Sinn Fein spokespersons from radio and television. The result was that while the BBC, UTV and other major European networks carried the press conference live, Irish radio and television downplayed the event, thus depriving the Irish people of the opportunity to judge for themselves the merits of the Eire Nua program. Gradually the noose of censorship was tightened and in 1976, Conor Cruise O'Brien made censorship official government policy.
The media in the United States also applied censorship when on a coast-to-coast television discussion among Unionists, Nationalists and Republicans, broadcast from Boston, John Hume advocated and managed to have Ruairi O'Bradaigh's Eire Nua proposals deleted from the program. However, on returning to Ireland, O'Bradaigh stated that during a chance meeting with Mr. Gerry L'Estrange, a member of the 26-County Parliament, who declared that "nobody could take away from your regional government policy, it is very progressive"
UNIONISTS REACTION TO EIRE NUA
During the bilateral talks between the IRA and the British government in 1972, the late Daithi.O'Conaill presented William Whitelaw with a copy of the Eire Nua program. This action by O'Conaill left no doubt as to whether or not the British government was aware of the Irish Republican Movement's intent regarding the Irish question. However, they refused to give the Movement credit for having put forward a sound political solution to the Irish question. The talks themselves ended in failure.
Despite official censorship in the 26-county state, a Council was successfully set up in Munster to promote Dail Mumhan followed by a similar Council in Leinster. In 1973, a Council of Ireland was launched and a number of meetings were held in Athlone to promote the program. Representatives from the four provinces attended the Athlone meetings. During the same period a number of meetings were held throughout Ireland where leaders of the Republican movement discussed the Eire Nua policy with prominent members of the pro-British Loyalist and Unionist parties
At a seminar held in Galway in 1974, Frank McManus M.P. speaking of Eire Nua, stated "there was nothing as powerful as an idea whose time has come" and "the only criticism that can be made of Eire Nua, was the source from where it came and that was not a valid criticism"
In the summer of 1974, during the taping of a UTV talk show Sammy Smith of the UDA expressed his concern to Ruairi O'Bradaigh about the changing population (the lower ratio of Protestants to Catholics) in a nine-county new Ulster. Such a comment by a hard-line Loyalist leader, albeit negative, represented fresh thinking on the part of some leaders of the ultra hard-line Loyalist community. More discussions took place with the Rev. Eric Gallagher, a leading Methodist Minister who stated that political scientists in leading universities had analyzed Eire Nua and found no fault with its systems of checks and balances.
In 1976, the Rev. Billy Arklow, who later became Dean of St. Andrews Cathedral in Belfast, arranged for O'Bradaigh to make a twenty-minute presentation of Eire Nua at Queen's University in Belfast, to an assemblage that included leaders of the Protestant community. The presentation was well received as demonstrated by the number and types of questions asked. Harry Murray, Chairman of the Ulster Workers Council, had commented that the Eire Nua program was similar to the Australian system, which is a federation of states that seemed to work well.
THE UNDERMINING OF EIRE NUA
The steady growth of Eire Nua in the mid-seventies was led by the Irish Republican Movement and endorsed by the IRA. This did not deter' pro-British Loyalists and Unionists from becoming involved in direct discussions on the Eire Nua federal policy with leading Irish Republicans, most notably the late Daithi O'Conaill and Ruairi O'Bradaigh.
In 1974, Desmond Boal added his voice to the growing Loyalist opinion favoring Eire Nua. Boal, who was secretary to Ian Paisley, published a statement favoring a two-state federal solution, comprising the 26-county and the 6-county states. While the Republican leadership realized that it was a major step forward to have Loyalists and Unionists come out in favor of British disengagement and a federal solution of sorts, they felt that the two-state federation would not work as they would be eternally at logger- heads i.e. Czechoslovakia. However, discussions continued with Boal and others until the collapse of the Power Sharing Executive.
The large number of publications of that era indicates that the Irish people recognized that there was a solution and that the Eire Nua federal policy was their first choice. Amongst the most prominent publications were, Towards a Greater Ulster, Ireland as a Whole, Take the Faeroes for Example, The Third Republic, A New Nationalism - Desmond Fennell; Ulster the Future - Frank McManus M.P; Shaping a New Society - Emmet O'Connell; Our People our Future - Ruairi O'Bradaigh.
However, there were undercurrents developing within the Irish Republican Movement due to the influx of newcomers, especially in the North. Emerging from these would be the men and women who would lead the blanket protest and give their lives on hunger strike and wage an all-out war for a united Ireland. However, there were also those with personal agendas who viewed the situation as an opportune moment to take control of the Irish Republican movement. These opportunists, aware that the Republican leadership of the day was highly respected because of Eire Nua, campaigned for their gradual removal by undermining Eire Nua.
At the 1980 Sinn Fein Ard-Feis the Belfast leadership, along with branches in Dublin, moved to have the term federalism removed from Sinn Fein policy and replaced with the term maximum decentralization. Daithi O'Conaill later resigned from Sinn Fein, having become the first victim of political cleansing. Daithi later returned as Vice-President of the newly formed Republican Sinn Fein and authored Towards a Peaceful Ireland and Eire Nua - A New Democracy, the updated version of Eire Nua, prior to his untimely death in 1991.
THE REBIRTH OF EIRE NUA
To recap, the late Daithi O'Conaill, one of the leading military strategists and political visionaries of seventies founded Eire Nua. Along with Ruairi O'Bradaigh, President of Republican Sinn Fein, Daithi opened a dialogue with leaders of Loyalist groups in the occupied six counties. Many meetings were held during the Eire Nua promotional campaign of the seventies, but personal ambitions within the Republican movement and opposition from the proponents of the status quo seemed to have buried Eire Nua. In the meantime, we have been dealt initiatives, super initiatives, and now hyper initiatives by the governments in London and Dublin.
The saying that nothing good comes easy can be applied to Eire Nua as it makes a slow comeback, spearheaded by Republican Sinn Fein in Ireland. Again we see a growing awareness of Eire Nua, manifested by more meetings and media attention. Since then a number of significant events have attested to its rebirth. In December 7th 1993 a press conference was held in Belfast to launch the new bilingual Eire Nua program. At the press conference, Ruari O'Bradaigh, in a message to the Unionists, said: that in the context of an English public undertaking to withdraw, the Ulster identity is a legitimate identity which can find expression in a nine-county Ulster parliament with strong local government. The position of each of the four provinces would be entrenched in a new Federal Ireland in a written constitution with complete separation of church and state and a pluralist society. Channel Four and Sky news in Britain reported covered the press conference as did the Irish Times and Belfast Telegraph.
In June of 2000 Bertie Ahern, the 26-county Prime Minister 'damned the Eire Nua program with faint praise' by stating that while Eire Nua had its merits those who promoted it ie; Republican Sinn Fein were suspect because they did not engage in the 'peace process'. Ruairi O'Bradaigh replied by stating that the British had no problem sitting down to discuss the Eire Nua peace plan at the height of the war in the 70's.
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Facebookthat is all that has happened and can happen otherwise . RSF are the only group thinking outside the box - outside the paradigm that was set up by a foriegn power FFS, does no one else believe that the Irish people are capable of organising their own country and break the god damn box?Search Results
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Comments (11 of 11)
Jump To Comment: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11It is likely there would be fighting by Loyalist separatists against the Garda and Irish Army and bombings in Dublin.
But ends and means are important. Inhumane means can tarnish bloodily, and this happened during the 1970s and the 80s as the Provisional IRA, ostensibly pursuing a liberation war in furtherance of the Eire Nua decentralist programme, shattered the humane ideals underpinning that programme. The provos on the ground killed people and ideas. The Ulster (6 counties) protestants, with a few exceptions like Desmond Boal and John Robb, were repelled by whatever the provos said they believed in. Between the idea and the reality there lies the shadow, according to TS Eliot. Good-sounding ends cannot be justly achieved by violent ends.
I would be intellectually attracted by decentralist visions, but could never associate with RSF people claiming to be advocating Eire Nua documents and proposals. If the Greens seriously took on proposals such as these and worked inside and outside parliamentary politics towards their realisation I'd guess that decentralist aims would gain many adherents. But if it is left to RSF it will stay dead in the water. It is one thing for an interesting intellectual like Desmond Fennell to pen his humanist-decentralist thoughts carefully in thought-provoking pamphlets. It is something bloody else for urban guerillas to plant wretched car bombs in busy streets and at crowded bus stations. Humane ends require humane means.
But would mainstream loyalists really want to read something with an "Eire Nua" title? Start with "New Ireland", as Eire Nua will get their backs up before they start to read it.
A humane political idea of federal decentralisation, incorporating the theologically respectable concept of subsidiarity, has been shunned widely on both sides of the border on account of the bombings, shootings and kidnappings. I don't think any documents promoted by RSF, Eirigi or any other miniscule splinter groups possessing traces of the provo DNA prints are going to get the earnest attention of a wider public. That is why I mentioned constitutionalists like green-leaners (I deliberately didn't say the GP as such) as possible articulators of a political federalism. Only people firmly committed to constitutionalism will satisfy a wider public concerning means towards ends.
Now in nooks and crannies across this tiny tribal parochial island small numbers of disgruntled thinkers may be found who may be receptive to proposals on regionalism and the like - people who in recent elections have switched their floating votes temporarily to assorted Independents and socialists, but who in the last election switched back massively to the huddling group security of FF-FG. These people, in a few elections before the last one, registered temporary disgruntlment with the failure of the political system to respond to their local and regional needs, whether it be health services, community tv masts or falling farm incomes. One thing they won't support is another attempt to mobilise armed struggle.
You and your associates are caught in a hopeless time warp that cuts you off from the rest of the Irish population. If you could invent a monster time machine maybe you could pack enough of us in and take us all forcibly back to the eve of the Truce in June 1921.