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A major propaganda war has broken out in Ireland, following controversy after the Newry car bomb last week. Conflicting accounts and dis-information of warnings given, have caused fear and panic of more atrocities again being orchestrated by the British police in occupied Ireland. Many traditional republicans in occupied Ireland now believe that the newly named British Police are still purposely misleading the public on Real IRA bombs and are actively engaged in enabling more atrocities like the Omagh, Dublin and Monaghan bombs all co-ordinated to explode and murder the maximum number of people previously by British secret police and their MI agents.
All three explosions were co-ordinated by the British secret services in Ireland and murdered more than 51 innocent people, in a propaganda campaign by the occupying British to discredit Irish republicans. British secret service police MI5, have staffed all the senior position to oversee their new British police force in occupied Ireland away from the prying eyes of local government or ombudsman, the British secret services have enlisted the help of the FBI, to murder innocent Irish people in the last bombing in Omagh it has emerged. The British secret services have almost total control of the Irish media, Irish police in the south and Irish politicians with their thousands of agents embedded in senior positions in the corporate Irish media who are also engaged in censoring all honest accounts of the atrocities with journalists and civil servants being threatened with assassination, imprisonment and a campaign of discredit if they speak out about it.
As a result traditional republicans in Ireland have advised all Irish people to use their commonsense, ignore the propaganda and all of the British police in Ireland who are not to be trusted. They say they are the very same police who have the blood of hundreds of innocent Irish people on their hands but just had a superficial name change, in a fake process, rubber stamped by media politico stars created by their secret agents in the media. They also warn that the British police are definitely not honest brokers acting in the interests of ordinary Irish people on bomb warnings and are in fact enabling and co-ordinating the next atrocity.
Traditional Irish republicans demand resistance in the form of all bomb attacks on British Crown forces, materials, ordinance and their symbols of British Empire in occupied Ireland, be given a clear concise bomb warning, relating to any resistance operations that involves bombing British targets. They say that British secret police along with MI5 through its network of thousands of British agents and recruited spies spread all over the island of Ireland, is actively promoting an agenda of discrediting traditional Irish republicanism, using the manipulation of bomb warnings, with its agents creating atrocities such as the Dublin and Monaghan bombings which killed 33 ordinary innocent people.
A letter from serving British Army intelligence officer Colin Wallace to Tony Stoughton, Chief Information Officer of the British Army Information Service at Lisburn, on August 14 1975, laid bare the nature of the collusion that was organised by MI5, the SAS (through the 14th Intelligence Company) and RUC Special Branch:
“There is good evidence the Dublin bombings in May last year were a reprisal for the Irish government's role in bringing about the [power sharing] Executive. According to one of Craig's people [Craig Smellie, in charge of MI6 in the North at the time], some of those involved, the Youngs, the Jacksons, Mulholland, Hanna, Kerr and McConnell were working closely with SB [Special Branch] and Int [Intelligence] at that time. Craig's people believe the sectarian assassinations were designed to destroy [then British Northern Secretary Merlyn] Rees's attempts to negotiate a ceasefire, and the targets were identified for both sides by Int/SB [Intelligence/Special Branch]. They also believe some very senior RUC officers were involved with this group. In short, it would appear that loyalist paramilitaries and Int/SB members have formed some sort of pseudo gangs in an attempt to fight a war of attrition by getting paramilitaries on both sides to kill each other and, at the same time prevent any future political initiative such as Sunningdale.”
Wallace wrote again on September 30 1975, and revealed that MI5 was trying to create a split in the UVF:
“because they wanted the more politically minded ones ousted. I believe much of the violence generated during the latter part of last year was caused by some of the new Int people deliberately stirring up the conflict. As you know, we have never been allowed to target the breakaway UVF, nor the UFF, during the past year. Yet they have killed more people than the IRA!”[2]
Justice Henry Barron noted that Wallace's August 14 1975 letter was, at the very least, "strong evidence that the security forces in Northern Ireland had intelligence information which was not shared with the Garda investigation team."
In his evidence to Barron, Colin Wallace noted that:
“several of the key players in the mid-Ulster UVF were working for the Special Branch and for ourselves... giving information and liaising and so forth. If you just draw the line there and don't even go any further than liaison, and if the informers were doing their job - and if they weren't doing their job we wouldn't have been using them - an operation of that size, in terms of the logistics and planning was so big that there was something seriously wrong if the Security Forces as a whole did not know that (a) an operation was going on; and (b) had some idea about it, because of the scale of it. That would have been a prime target for the intelligence agencies to get to grips with.”
British investigations into the bombings was closed down a very short time after the bombings, said Wallace. He was told in no uncertain terms: ‘don’t go there’. Wallace was shocked.
There were clear attempts to undermine Colin Wallace's credibility in his evidence to Barron. British Army Captain Fred Holroyd and former RUC Special Patrol Group officer John Weir suffered the same fate, but Barron saw through it.
Wallace ran the main psychological warfare, or 'psyops', department at British Army Headquarters in Lisburn, Between 1968 and 1975. This was a task involving "dissemination of information and disinformation". In September 1974 Wallace refused to become involved in what he saw as attempts by the security services to subvert British government policy. Wallace also discovered that at the infamous Kincora Boys Home a member of an "extreme loyalist organisation", William McGrath, was involved with others in paedophile abuse. The home was not closed down and Wallace suspected that "the intelligence services were using the information to blackmail the extreme loyalists into helping them".
Wallace made his opposition known.
Wallace later attempted to expose security force involvement in the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings, and attempts by MI5 to undermine "left wing organisations and individuals", including the then British Prime Minister, Harold Wilson.
Barron noted that Wallace was targeted by the same security services he had served. He was forced out of government service on a charge of attempting to pass a restricted document to a journalist, Robert Fisk.
Later, in 1980, after being forced into civilian life, and after attempts to highlight the injustice done to him, Wallace was charged with and then convicted of manslaughter in Arundel in Britain. With this conviction under their belt, the British tried to proclaim Wallace a ‘Walter Mitty’ character with an imagined and fantasised role in their intelligence services. As it turned out, Wallace was framed and his claims were true.
After his release from prison on parole in 1985, Wallace proclaimed his innocence and campaigned to have the British government recognise his official role in its Army intelligence services. He was successful in both.
Wallace had his conviction quashed by the British Court of Appeal on October 9, 1996.
Wallace was also separately paid £30,000 pounds sterling compensation (which was the maximum allowable) for unjust dismissal from government Service. His role within the British Army intelligence service had already been officially, though belatedly, acknowledged in 1990.
MI5's foreknowledge of the Omagh Bomb came during the inquest into the bombing. According to the Sunday Business Post (26/8/2001) leading British barrister Michael Mansfield QC, acting for Lawrence Rush, cross-examined several RUC ( British Police in Occupied Ireland) witnesses. It emerged that a warning specifying the precise location of the bomb had not been passed on to local officers in time to clear the area.
"After that, we started getting threatening calls. We were told by RUC (British Police) that our name was on a death-list," Solicitor Des Doherty said. The RUC also confirmed to Doherty that a newspaper report of a spy satellite picking out the car used to transport the bomb was correct. Doherty said. "It is understood that when the RUC contacted the Federal Bureau of Investigation in America, they produced information from the satellite.”
This suggests that the maroon Vauxhall Cavalier contained a tracking device which enabled a US GPS satellite not only to follow the car's movements but also pinpoint its exact location on the day of the bombing. At the request of MI5, US intelligence would have monitored the car as a priority and would have conveyed this surveillance data to MI5 without delay. Yet MI5 chose not to relay this information to RUC officers on the ground on August 15. Furthermore, the presence of a tracking device on the maroon Vauxhall Cavalier indicates the involvement of an MI5 agent in the planning or the execution of the Omagh bombing, at some point between the unlawful procurement of the maroon Vauxhall Cavalier and the detonation of the explosives on August 15.
There have again been calls for an independent public inquiry into the
1998 Omagh bomb following the collapse of the retrial of Colm Murphy.
On Wednesday, the Dundak man was cleared over involvement in the
tragedy for a second time. He walked free from the Special Criminal
Court in Dublin when judges cut the trial short and admitted he had no
case to answer.
In August 1998, twenty-nine people died when telephoned warnings failed
to clear the area around the 'Real IRA' bomb in Omagh town centre.
The bomb detonaed in the middle of a street crowded with civilians. It
later emerged that state forces on both sides of the border were
closely monitoring the movements of the device throughout the day, but
failed to prevent the attack.
Campaigner Michael Gallagher, whose 21-year-old son Aiden was one or
those who died, said he was angered by the second acquittal and renewed
calls for a cross-border public inquiry.
"It has been the history of this process that the families have been
disappointed time and time again but when it happens it is still hard,~
Mr Gallagher said.
Speaking outside the court yesterday, Mr Murphy urged the media: "Find
out who was behind it. MI5 agents setting people up.
In recent years, investigative journalists have revealed that British
military intelligence was tracking the bomb's movements by satellite as
well as monitoring the IRA unit's cellphones on the day of the attack.
Speculation over the reluctrance of the Dublin and London governments
to hold an inquiry has fuelled widespreead speculation that the bomb
may have been allowed to cause civilian casualties in order to erode
support for the 'Real IRA'.
Presiding judge Mr Justice Paul Butler said the fact that the notes
were falsified, combined with the fact there was no explanation given
as to why, meant Murphy must be given the benefit of the doubt and set
free.
"There Is no evidence before the court upon which a jury, properly
charged, would convict the accused," the judge said.
As expected, three senior judges In the non-jury Special Criminal Court
were forced to dismiss a conspiracy count against Murphy on the grounds
that the Garda notes lacked credibility.
Murphy was jailed for 14 years before being cleared on appeal. A
retrial was ordered despite the apparent lack of credible evidence
against Mr Murphy.
The two senior gardai who helped secure the conviction against him
later found themselves before the courts on charges of perjury and
forgery.
Detective Garoa Liam Donnelly and Detective Garda John Fahy were
accused of lying under oath and using forged notes In the case against
Murphy but found not guilty. Both gardai were acquitted of all
charges.
As with his original conviction in 2002, the case against Mr Murphy
collapsed when interview notes taken by Garda detectives when he was
questioned about the Omagh bombing were shown to have been fabricated.
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