THE IRA BEFORE DRUGS

I HAVE met them at close of day

I HAVE met them at close of day
Coming with vivid faces
From counter or desk among grey
Eighteenth-century houses.
I have passed with a nod of the head
Or polite meaningless words,
Or have lingered awhile and said
Polite meaningless words,
And thought before I had done
Of a mocking tale or a gibe
To please a companion
Around the fire at the club,
Being certain that they and I
But lived where motley is worn:
All changed, changed utterly:
A terrible beauty is born.

That woman's days were spent

In ignorant good-will,
Her nights in argument
Until her voice grew shrill.
What voice more sweet than hers
When, young and beautiful,
She rode to harriers?
This man had kept a school
And rode our winged horse;
This other his helper and friend
Was coming into his force;
He might have won fame in the end,
So sensitive his nature seemed,
So daring and sweet his thought.
This other man I had dreamed
A drunken, vainglorious lout.
He had done most bitter wrong
To some who are near my heart,
Yet I number him in the song;
He, too, has resigned his part
In the casual comedy;
He, too, has been changed in his turn,
Transformed utterly:
A terrible beauty is born.

Hearts with one purpose alone
Through summer and winter seem
Enchanted to a stone
To trouble the living stream.
The horse that comes from the road.
The rider, the birds that range
From cloud to tumbling cloud,
Minute by minute they change;
A shadow of cloud on the stream
Changes minute by minute;
A horse-hoof slides on the brim,
And a horse plashes within it;
The long-legged moor-hens dive,
And hens to moor-cocks call;
Minute by minute they live:
The stone's in the midst of all.

Too long a sacrifice
Can make a stone of the heart.
O when may it suffice?
That is Heaven's part, our part
To murmur name upon name,
As a mother names her child
When sleep at last has come
On limbs that had run wild.
What is it but nightfall?
No, no, not night but death;
Was it needless death after all?
For England may keep faith
For all that is done and said.
We know their dream; enough
To know they dreamed and are dead;
And what if excess of love
Bewildered them till they died?
I write it out in a verse -
MacDonagh and MacBride
And Connolly and Pearse
Now and in time to be,
Wherever green is worn,
Are changed, changed utterly:
A terrible beauty is born. 

 William Butler Yeats » Easter, 1916

Volunteer Martin Savage Irish: Máirtín Sabhaois (1898 – 19 December 1919) was an Officer in the Dublin Brigade of the Irish Republican Army, fromBallisodare, County Sligo.^[1] On 19 December 1919 he was killed during a gun battle after an ambush at Ashtown, near the border of County Meath andCounty Dublin, during the early stages of the Irish War of Independence.

Contents   [hide]  1 Early life 2 Military action 3 The Ashtown ambush 3.1 Planning by Breen 3.2 Events of the day 3.3 Lord French's car and the gun battle 4 Funeral 5 Legacy of Martin Savage 6 References 7 External links

[edit]Early life

Savage was born in Streamstown, Ballisodare, County Sligo in 1898. He was the youngest son of Michael Savage, who was known locally as a Fenianactivist.^[2] After leaving school he worked as an apprentice grocer in Sligo Town before committing himself to the fight for Irish Independence.^{[3][4][5][6][7][8]}

[edit]Military action

Savage moved to Dublin in 1915 and joined the Irish Volunteers. As a 17 year old he took part in the 1916 Easter Rising in Dublin and fought with Padraig Pearse and James Connolly in the GPO.^[9] He was captured by the British Army and imprisoned in Richmond Barracks. On 30 April 1916 he was deported to Knutsford Detention Barracks in Cheshire, England along with 200 other captured prisoners. Upon his release Savage returned to Dublin and resumed his fight for Irish freedom and became a Lieutenant in the 2nd Battalion of the Dublin Brigade. Within republican circles he was known as a shy, slim built, handsome Sligonian who was a popular and trusted comrade especially amongst the likes of Dan Breen, Seán Treacy and Seán Hogan.^[2] [10]

[edit]The Ashtown ambush

[edit]Planning by Breen

On 19 December 1919, Savage and his unit which consisted of 10 fellow Volunteers, including Mick McDonnell, Tom Kehoe, Seán Treacy, Seamus Robinson, Seán Hogan, Paddy Daly (Leader), Vincent Byrne, Tom Kilcoyne, Joe Leonard and Dan Breen, met after planning to assassinate the then British Viceroy, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland and Supreme Commander of the British Army in Ireland,Lord John French, as he returned from a private party which he had hosted the previous evening at his country residence in Frenchpark,County Roscommon.^[11]

It was not originally planned that Savage was to take an active part in the ambush, however, after a chance meeting with Breen and Hogan, Savage insisted that he join the party. Sean Hogan initially attempted to dissuade the eager young volunteer, but eventually he relented and gave Savage an automatic pistol. The Volunteers' intelligence operative had informed the unit that Lord French would be travelling in the second car of the armed convoy that comprised an outrider and three following cars which would bring Lord French from Ashtown railway station to the Vice-Regal Lodge in Phoenix Park, Dublin.^[12]

[edit]Events of the day

On the day of the ambush, Savage attended work as usual and slipped away early in the morning to meet with the Volunteers who were gathered at Fleming's Pub in Drumcondra. They departed Drumcondra in small groups to avoid raising suspicion as they cycled through Phibsboro and up the Cabra Road, and then regrouped at Kelly's Public House (now called the Halfway House) in Ashtown. At approximately 11:40 a.m., as the train carrying Lord French pulled into the station, the unit left the pub and took up positions along the crossroads at Ashtown.

The plan was for Martin Savage, Tom Kehoe and Dan Breen to push a hay-cart halfway across the road and then, after the out-rider and the first car had passed, they would push it the rest of the way across the road, thereby completely blocking the path of the remaining vehicles. They had been informed that Lord French was to be in the second car and this car would be attacked with grenades, Mills Bombs and concentrated rifle fire.

As they pushed the hay-cart across the road their plan was almost foiled as a member of the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) disturbed them, telling them to move on. One of Volunteers lobbed a grenade at him, although it didn't explode it struck the police officer on the head, knocking him unconscious. The police officer was then dragged from the road and the attack went ahead as planned.^[13]

[edit]Lord French's car and the gun battle

When the convoy appeared minutes later, each Volunteer fulfilled their role in the operation and attacked the second car forcing it to swerve off the road. However, unknown to the unit, Lord French was travelling in the first car and managed to drive through the blockade. The occupants of the second car, part of Lord French's guard, returned fire. As the fierce gun battle developed the third car arrived on the other side of the cart and began firing with rifles and machine-guns on the now exposed Volunteers.

In the crossfire Dan Breen was shot in the leg and seconds later Savage fell mortally wounded after being hit by a bullet in the neck. He died in the arms of Dan Breen and his last words to Breen were "I'm done, but carry on....". Tom Kehoe and the wounded Dan Breen succeeded in carrying Martin Savage's body from the road and back to Kelly’s Pub while the gunfight continued.^[14]

Two RIC men and a driver were also wounded in the gun battle. At this point the British military, including some wounded, began to withdraw from the scene and continued on towards the Phoenix Park. Knowing British reinforcements would be on their way, the IRA unit then dispersed to safe houses in the Dublin area. Dan Breen was helped onto his bike by Paddy Daly who helped him to a safehouse in the Phibsboro' area, where he was attended to by the captain of the Dublin hurling team, Dr J.M. Ryan.

The next morning, the Irish Independent published an article which described the attackers as "assassins" and included other such terms as "criminal folly", "outrage" and "murder." Taking these terms as an insult to their dead comrade, it was decided to attack the paper. On Sunday, at 9pm, between twenty and thirty Volunteers under Peadar Clancy entered the offices of the Independent. They informed the editor of their intentions and began to dismantle and smash the machinery. Despite this action, with the assistance of the other Dublin papers, the Independent was able to appear the next day, and the owners were awarded £16,000 pounds in compensation. According to Breen, neither the Independent, nor any other Dublin paper, referred to the IRA as murderers or assassins again.^[15]

[edit]Funeral

Savage's body was taken by British military and an inquest was held into his death. The inquest was attended by his brother and his employer William Kirk, who described the dead soldier as "a steady, sober and industrious young man, gentlemanly in manner and extremely courteous."^[16]

After the inquest, Savage's body was handed over to his relatives. His remains lay overnight at Broadstone Station before departing for Sligo where it was met at Collooney railway station by a large crowd.^[17] His coffin, draped in an Irish Tricolour, was carried over two miles at shoulder height to his family's burial ground. Savage was buried with full military honours in his native Ballisodare, County Sligo.^[18]

Street plaque at Martin Savage Terrace, Sligo.

Dan Breen noted that "the cortege was several miles long, the Parish Priest attended and recited the last prayer, while the RIC, with a chivalry characteristic of them, surrounded the graveyard with guns and bayonets. However, I suppose, this was the best tribute they could have paid to a gallant soldier, even though they did not mean it that way".^[18][19]

Martin Savage

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

THIS AUTHOR DOES NOT SUPPORT THE PARAMILITARY GROUP CALLED THE REAL IRA BUT CALLS ON EVERYONE TO SUPPORT THE MARCH BELOW

Dublin March to Free Marian Price
dublin / rights and freedoms / event notice Monday August 20, 2012 17:56 by Fearfeasa 2 comments (last - thursday august 23, 2012 23:02)
A March is being organized in Dublin on Sat. 15th September at 2 p.m. Starting at the Garden of Remembrance, to O'Connell Bridge and back to the GPO, where we will have prominent speakers and some music.
Join with us and call for Freedom for Marian Price agus support human rights for all political prisoners.

Mórshiúl i mBaile Átha Cliath chun Marian Price a shaoradh
dublin / rights and freedoms / event notice Monday August 20, 2012 17:39 by Fearfeasa
Tá mórshiúl á eagrú, oscailte don phobal, i mBaile Átha Cliath ar an Satharn, 15 Meán Fómhair ar 2 p.m. ag an nGáirdin Cuimhneacháin, síos go Droichead Uí Chonaill, agus ag leanúint go Ardoifig an Phoist, áit a mbeidh cainteoirí aitheanta agus ceol.
Bí ann agus tacaigh le saoirse do Mharian Price agus do Chearta Daonna gach príosúnach polaitiúil.

The Wests Awake

All-Ireland hurling final Galway and Kilkenny Draw

Galway's Joe Canning equalized with free instoppage-time to make an All-Ireland hurling final replay with Kilkenny.

Kilkenny came from behind and were leadin 0-19 to 2-12 up with seconds left but Canning, who also scored a 10th-minute goal equalized for Galway 2-13, Kilkenny 0-19. The first All-Ireland hurling replay since 1959 will on the 30 September at Dublin's Croke Park. Canning had a total of 1-09 while Kilkenny's Henry Shefflin matched the total with 12 points.

Galway started well when Canning angled a shot past Kilkenny keeper David Herity and they had a healthy lead of 1-09 to 0-07 advantage at half-time.However their lead melted away and Shefflin brought Kilkenny level before putting them in front with a brilliant free.Niall Burke's goal moments later saw Galway regain the lead. In a truly exciting finish, with the sides level, Kilkenny got a penalty with Shefflin choosing to take a point. It looked like  enough until Portumna's Canning sent his last gasp free over the bar.

Link

All-Ireland hurling fans 2012

EATING BABIES THE VILLIERS OCCUPIED IRELAND LEGACY

Tony Blair Should Face Trial Over Iraq War, Says Desmond Tutu

What about the Villiers Family ?

"I have been assured .. in London; that a young healthy Child, well nursed, is, at a Year old, a most delicious, nourishing, and wholesome Food; whether Stewed, Roasted, Baked, or Boiled; and, I make no doubt, that it will equally serve in a Fricasie, or Ragoust."
—Jonathan Swift, A Modest Proposal



George Villiers, 1st Duke of Buckingham  28 August 1592 – 23 August 1628) was the favourite, claimed to be the lover, of King James I of England and despite a very poor political and military record remained at the height of royal favour for the reign of Charles I, until he was assassinated. He was one of the most rewarded royal courtiers in all history.


Born in Brooksby, Leicestershire, the son of the minor gentleman Sir George Villiers 1550–1604, he could dance well, fence well, and speak a little French. In August 1614, Villiers, reputedly "the handsomest-bodied man in all of England",was brought before the king, in the hope that the king would take a fancy to him, diminishing the power at court of then favourite Robert Carr, 1st Earl of Somerset.

Following Villiers' introduction the king developed a strong affection for Villiers, calling him his "sweet child and wife"; the personal relationships of James are a much debated topic, with Villiers making the last of a succession of favourites on whom James lavished affection and rewards. The extent to which there was a sexual element, or a physical sexual relationship, involved in these cases remains controversial. Villiers reciprocated the King's love and wrote to James: "I naturally so love your person, and adore all your other parts, which are more than ever one man had" and "I desire only to live in the world for your sake". Restoration of Apethorpe Hall in 2004–2008 revealed a previously unknown passage linking his bedchamber with that of James.

Villiers gained support from those opposed to the current favourite, Robert Carr, 1st Earl of Somerset, and under the King's patronage he prospered greatly. Villiers was knighted in 1615 as a Gentleman of the Bedchamber, and was rapidly advanced through the peerage: he was created Baron Whaddon and Viscount Villiers in 1616, Earl of Buckingham in 1617, Marquess of Buckingham in 1618 and finally Earl of Coventry and Duke of Buckingham in 1623. After the reductions in the peerage that had taken place during the Tudor period, Buckingham was left as the highest-ranking subject outside the royal family.

In the 1620s, Villiers acquired York House on the Strand, the street linking the City of London to that of Westminster. Apart from an interlude during the English Civil War, the property remained in the family until his son sold it to developers for £30,000 in 1672. He made it a condition of the sale that his name and title be commemorated by George Street, Villiers Street, Duke Street, Of Alley, and Buckingham Street, some of which have survived into the 21st century.

Ireland

From 1616, Buckingham established a dominant influence in Irish affairs, beginning with the appointment of his client, Sir Oliver St John, as Lord Deputy, 1616–1622. Thence, he acquired control of the Irish customs farm, dominated Irish patronage at court, particularly with the sale of Irish titles and honours, and (from 1618) began to build substantial Irish estates for himself, his family and clients—with the aid of a plantation lobby, composed of official clients in Dublin. To the same end, he secured the creation of an Irish Court of Wards in 1622. Buckingham's influence thus crucially sustained a forward Irish plantation policy into the 1620s.
Relations with Parliament, 1621–1624

The 1621 Parliament began an investigation into monopolies and other abuses in England and extended it later to Ireland; in this first session, Buckingham was quick to side with the Parliament to avoid action being taken against him. However, the king's decision in the summer of 1621 to send a commission of enquiry, including parliamentary firebrands, to Ireland threatened to expose Buckingham's growing, often clandestine interests there. Knowing that, in the summer, the king had assured the Spanish ambassador that the Parliament would not be allowed to imperil a Spanish matrimonial alliance, he therefore surreptitiously instigated a conflict between the Parliament and the king over the Spanish Match, which resulted in a premature dissolution of the Parliament in December 1621 and a hobbling of the Irish commission in 1622. Irish reforms nevertheless introduced by Lionel Cranfield, Earl of Middlesex, in 1623–1624 were largely nullified by the impeachment and disgrace of the pacific Lord Treasurer in the violently anti-Spanish 1624 parliament spurred on by Buckingham and Prince Charles.

George William Frederick Villiers , fourth Earl of Clarendon and fourth Baron Hyde (1800-1870)

In 1823 Villiers was appointed a commissioner of customs, and from 1827 to 1829 was in Ireland arranging the details of the union of the English and the Irish excise boards. He became at this time intimate with Irish affairs, and was one of those frequently consulted in private by the lord lieutenant, the Marquis of Anglesey. In 1847 he was nominated lord lieutenant of Ireland where Clarendon almost at once pressed the cabinet for further coercive powers, not all of which were conceded. During his term of office he was involved with the holocaust that cost 6 million Irish lives, the Young Ireland agitation, the Smith O'Brien rising, the Orange disturbances. He came into conflict with all parties in turn, and was detested impartially by all. With the extreme protestant party he had great difficulty. His life was constantly threatened, and for a time he was almost a prisoner in Dublin Castle. 

His letters to Henry Reeve, with whom he constantly corresponded from 1846, show that he considered the position in Ireland so critical that a slight mistake on the part of government might involve grave disaster. Although his industry and philanthropy were conspicuous, his services to Ireland great, and his failures chiefly due to the circumstances of his time, he earned for himself more censure than thanks. Lord Derby attacked him in the House of Lords on 18 February 1850 for striking Lord Roden's name out of the commission of the peace in the previous October in consequence of the riot at Dolly's Brae on 12 July 1849, and Clarendon, who had come over from Ireland on purpose, replied with effect in a survey of his policy, which was afterwards published.

 The merits and achievements of his lord-lieutenancy are well tabulated and explained in the Edinburgh Review; the Orange side of the question is stated with vigour and even violence in the Quarterly Review and the Dublin University Magazine. The measure which he was most instrumental in passing through parliament, and most relied upon, was the Encumbered Estates Act, and this certainly proved no settlement of the agricultural question. 

Villier's administration was involved in war crimes and crimes against humanity in Ireland. In the engineered holocaust called the famine he resisted pressure, that urged a general government importation of food and a general prohibition of the export of prime livestock and food exported under military escort out of Ireland while 6 million Irish starved. He repressed Ireland with military force, in a period of conspiracy and revolution amid the starving 6 million Irish.He didn't simply grab Ireland's surplus food to save England from Europe's potato blight but took it for profit and yo exterminate the people of Ireland, While his economist Nassau expressed doubts, that the Irish holocaust "will not kill more than one million Irish in 1848 and that will scarcely be enough to do much good, " his colleague screamed Trevelyan replied "We must not complain of what we really want to obtain." 

There was a "disappearance" of 6,257,456. This population-loss figure of 6,257,456 is scarcely susceptible to significant challenge, being derived directly from the British government's own censuses for Ireland.  We invite bona fide documentation of the foregoing; whether in confirmation or rebuttal. Economists and historians are disqualified if their published work on the events of 1845-1850 covers up the British army's central role therein. Such individuals lack the standing to participate in this truth-quest. 

Villier's refused entry of American food relief ships such as the Sociere and prevented aid from the middle-east while Thomas Carlyle wrote,  "Ireland is like a half-starved rat that crosses the path of an elephant. What must the elephant do? Squelch it - by heavens - squelch it." "Total Annihilation;" screamed the Times leader of September 2, 1846 and its editor boasted in 1848  "A Celt will soon be as rare on the banks of the Shannon as the red man on the banks of Manhattan." On 23 March 1849 Villiers was awarded the order of the Garter by the queen of England for ethnically cleansing Ireland so effectively, departing from the usual practice, desired him not to surrender the insignia of the Bath, as he had so fully merited both distinctions.

Theresa Villiers  descendant of British War Criminals crowned Vice-royal of British Occupied Ireland on 4th September 2012

Villiers born in London in 1968, the daughter of George Edward Villiers and Anne Virginia (née Threlfall). On her father's side she is a descendant of Edward Ernest Villiers (1806–1843), brother of George Villiers, 4th Earl of Clarendon.

John Mitchell from Newry was sent into exile for being a truth teller about Villiers and his colleagues. Ireland's truth-tellersdont receive Nobels. The Big Lie prevails prevails the Irish Holocaust deniers started when Villier's government genocidally stripped Ireland of its abundant foodstuffs while internationally it was begging help for the "starving Irish." John Mitchel remonstrated; "Many will, perhaps, be surprised to learn neither Ireland, nor anybody in Ireland ever asked alms or favors of any kind, either from England or from any other nation or people. On the contrary, it was England herself that begged for us, asking a penny, for the love of God, to relieve the poor Irish. And further, constituting herself the almoner and agent of all that charity, she, England, took all the profit of it." Mitchel again; 'Thus any man who had a house, no matter how wretched, was to pay the new tax; and every man was bound to have a house; for if found out of doors after sunset; and convicted of that offence, he was to be transported for fifteen years, or imprisoned for three - the court to have the discretion of adding hard labor or solitary confinement. This law would drive the survivors of ejected people (those who did not die of hunger) into the poorhouses or to America; because, being bound to be at home after sunset, and having neither house nor home, they would be all in the absolute power of the police, and in continual peril of transportation to the colonies (Australian slave labor camps). By another act of parliament the police force was increased, and taken more immediately into the service of the Crown; the Irish counties were in part relieved from their pay; and they became, in all senses, a portion of the regular army. They amounted to twelve thousand chosen men, well armed and drilled. The police were always at the command of sheriffs for executing ejectments; and if they were not in sufficient force, troops of the line could be had from the nearest garrison. No wonder that the London Times, within less than three years after, was enabled to say; 'Law has ridden roughshod through Ireland, it has been taught with bayonet, and interpreted with ruin. Townships levelled with the ground, straggling columns of exiles, workhouses multiplied, and still crowded, express the determination of the legislature to remove Ireland from its slovenly old barbarism, and to plant the institutions of this more civilized land' (meaning England!)" Mitchel also wrote; "Steadily, but surely, the 'Government' was working out its calculation; and the produce anticipated by 'political circles' was likely to come out about September (of 1847), in round numbers - two millions of Irish corpses." 

Ireland unlike Israel has never had a formal apology for the holocaust committed by the British in Ireland nor has it like the Jews received the hundreds of billions of pounds due in war reparations to confirm a genuine apology. It has instead spent millions on revisionist historians including west Brits airbrushing the truth from history books and being paid holocaust deniers.

Dublin March to Free Marian Price
dublin / rights and freedoms / event notice Monday August 20, 2012 17:56 by Fearfeasa 2 comments (last - thursday august 23, 2012 23:02)
A March is being organized in Dublin on Sat. 15th September at 2 p.m. Starting at the Garden of Remembrance, to O'Connell Bridge and back to the GPO, where we will have prominent speakers and some music.
Join with us and call for Freedom for Marian Price agus support human rights for all political prisoners.

Mórshiúl i mBaile Átha Cliath chun Marian Price a shaoradh
dublin / rights and freedoms / event notice Monday August 20, 2012 17:39 by Fearfeasa
Tá mórshiúl á eagrú, oscailte don phobal, i mBaile Átha Cliath ar an Satharn, 15 Meán Fómhair ar 2 p.m. ag an nGáirdin Cuimhneacháin, síos go Droichead Uí Chonaill, agus ag leanúint go Ardoifig an Phoist, áit a mbeidh cainteoirí aitheanta agus ceol.
Bí ann agus tacaigh le saoirse do Mharian Price agus do Chearta Daonna gach príosúnach polaitiúil.

Irish Times & Stew

FreeMarianPrice

@FreeMarianPrice

CAUSE calls on ALL people and parties including PSF to UNITE and support the immediate end to political internment without trial in British Occupied Ireland

    

 278

about 5 hours ago

IRISH STEW OR INTERNMENT http://irishblog-irelandblog.blogspot.com/ — with (Add/edit faces)

An Irish Times article;

Drink! Fecklessness! Partitionism! Shame! The Irish ideologies

A literary pilgrimage through the streets of Dublin

 

By Fergal Keane, Lonely Planet Traveller