Irish Time

Wednesday, May 8, 2013

Viceroyal Evilliers


            

Viceroyal Villiers of Ireland Direct Descendant of George William Frederick Villiers, 4th Earl of Clarendon George William Frederick Villiers, Viceroyal of Ireland, who was a notable member of the Hellfire Club and the Freemasons. He ruled over the British genocide of six and a quarter million disappeared Irish people, many of them children, murdered in secret satanic rituals by the British gentry. These rituals have continued under the despotic rule of both Villiers reign of terror. Viceroyal Theresa Villiers is today also presiding over the internment without trial of Irish political prisoners, indeed this evil Viceroyal has the power to throw anyone irish into a dungeon indefinitely without triaL. Currently two innocent, elderly, Irish people, Martin Corey, 63 and Marian Price, 59 are spending their last years interned and will probably die at her majesty's pleasure.  This family has now become known in Ireland as the Viceroyal Evilliers 



The Kincora Scandal

The results of the official police investigations into the Kincora Scandal are "Sealed" to this day because of the influence of certain UK political heavy-weights! The Kincora children were taken to Birr Castle , County Offaly, the family home of the 7th Earl of Rosse, where abuse took place!( Confirmed by Joan Coleman of R.A.I.N.S, England) NB The ancestor of the present Earl , the 1st Earl of Rosse in the eighteenth century was a British founder member of the infamous branch in Ireland of The Hellfire Club, Britain's's aristocratic devil-worshippers! in Ireland.



Investigations into the Dunblane Massacres of nursery school children has also been "sealed" by the socalled "UK authorities" under the pretence of national security is another coverup by the status quo in the UK!Investigations into the Operation ORE inquiries into paedophile rings within the UK establishment and politicians has once again been "sealed" by the socalled "UK authorities" - covering for powerful paedophiles!A similar situation pertains in the Jersey Child abuse scandal - which has links to paedophile groups in Islington in London!



The Hellfire Club British Members

           

       
 Original founding members of the Irish branch of the Hellfire Club

Birr Castle , Co Offaly, ancestral home of
  • 1st Earl of Rosse, Richard Parsons
  • James Worsdale , painter.
  • Colonel St Ledger from Grange Mellon near Athy .
  • Old Bagenal , ( Bagenalstown was obviously named after him or his kin; a hotbed for Satanic activity in these present times)
  • Buck Whaley




Satanists, the gentry and Freemasons

Human sacrifice has been a terrible reality for possibly as long as man has existed on this world! The upper classes have brainwashed the naive and gullible masses into believing that these sort of things only happen in books and myths.

History shows us that the aristocracy , especially those with old Norman roots, have been the pioneers and subsequently those with the greatest knowledge in the studies of these dark arts and forbidden knowledge! The old Norman Knights Templars, are believed to have been aristocratic devilworshippers.

The Templars went to the Holy lands during the Crusades wars between the European Christians and the Saracens to search for "The Arch of the Covenent". They believed that the Arch held magical powers and those who had possession of it would be the recipients of great power and knowledge.

In the middle ages , the Templars were seen as heretics and worshippers of the devil and were persecuted by the Spanish Inquisition and were bannished from most European countries for the exception of Portugal and Scotland. It is believed that the Knights Templars resurfaced in Scotland in its new guise of the Freemasons.

In later years many prominent Lords and gentry , again descendents of the old Norman aristocracy, became leading figures in the Freemasons! One prime example was; in 1725 ,Richard Parsons , 1st Earl of Rosse was Grand Master of Ireland's Freemasons . At the same instance , Richard Parsons was also one of the founder members of Ireland's aristocratic Satanist cult , The Hellfire Club! Co-incidence?? I don't think so!!!!
       



Montpelier Hill

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Montpelier Hill
Hell Fire Club
Hell Fire Club Dublin at Dawn.jpg
Dawn at the Hell Fire Club on Montpelier Hill, Dublin
Elevation383 m (1,257 ft)[1]
Location
Montpelier Hill is located in island of Ireland
Montpelier Hill
Location in Ireland
LocationCounty DublinIreland
RangeDublin Mountains
OSI/OSNI gridO120238
Coordinates53°15′6.7″N 6°19′49.24″WCoordinates53°15′6.7″N 6°19′49.24″W[1]
Topo mapOSI Discovery #50
Montpelier Hill is a hill, 383 metres (1,257 feet) high in County DublinIreland.[1]It is commonly referred to as the Hell Fire Club (IrishClub Thine Ifrinn),[2] the popular name given to the ruined building at the summit. This building – a hunting lodge built around 1725 by William Conolly – was originally called Mount Pelier and since its construction the hill has also gone by the same name.[3] The original Irish name of the hill is no longer known although the historian and archaeologist Patrick Healy has suggested that the hill is the place known as Suide Uí Ceallaigor Suidi Celi in the Crede Mihi, the twelfth century diocesan register book of theArchbishops of Dublin.[4]
Montpelier is the closest to Dublin city of the group of mountains – along with Killakee, Featherbed Bog, KippureSeefingan, Corrig, Seahan, Ballymorefinn, Carrigeenoura and Slievenabawnogue – that form the ridge that bounds the Glenasmole valley.[5] On the slopes is a forestry plantation, known as Hell Fire Wood, which consists of Sitka sprucelarch and beech.[6]
Originally there was a cairn with a prehistoric passage grave on the summit. Stones from the cairn were taken and used in the construction of Mount Pelier lodge. Shortly after completion, a storm blew the roof off. Local superstition attributed this incident to the work of the Devil, a punishment for interfering with the cairn. Since this time, Montpelier Hill has become associated with numerousparanormal events.
This reputation was further enhanced when members of the Irish Hell Fire Club, which was active in the years 1735 to 1741, began using Mount Pelier lodge as a meeting place. Numerous lurid stories of wild behaviour and debauchery as well asoccult practices and demonic manifestations have become part of the local folklore. The original name of the lodge has been displaced and the building is generally known as the Hell Fire Club. When the lodge was damaged by fire, the members of the Hell Fire Club relocated down the hill to the nearby Stewards House for a brief period. This building also has a reputation for being haunted, most notably by a massive black cat.
Adjacent to the Stewards House is the remains of Killakee Estate. A large Victorian house was built here in the early nineteenth century by Luke White. White's son, Samuel, oversaw the development of extensive formal gardens on the estate, including the construction of several glasshouses by Richard Turner. The estate passed to the Massy family through inheritance in 1880 and John Thomas Massy, the 6th Baron made extensive use of the house and ground to host shooting parties and society gatherings. The fortunes of the Massy family declined in the early twentieth century and Hamon Massy, the 8th Baron, was evicted from Killakee House in 1924. He became known as the “Penniless Peer”. Following the eviction, Killakee House was demolished and the gardens fell into ruin.
Today Montpelier Hill and much of the surrounding lands, including Killakee Estate (now called Lord Massy's Estate) are owned by the State forestry company Coillte and are open to the public.

Contents

  [hide

[edit]History

[edit]The Hell Fire Club

The building now known as the Hell Fire Club was built around 1725 as a hunting lodge by William Conolly, the Speaker of the Irish House of Commons.[7] It was named Mount Pelier by Conolly but over the years has also been known as “The Haunted House”,[8] “The Shooting Lodge”,[8] “The Kennel”,[9] and “Conolly's Folly”,[9]. It was one of several exclusive establishments using the name Hellfire Clubthat existed in Britain and Ireland in the 18th century.

Fisheye image of one of the reception rooms on the upper floor
While the building has a rough appearance today, the architecture is of a Palladian design. The upper floor consists of a hall and two reception rooms. On the eastern side, there was a third, timber-floored, level where the sleeping quarters were located.[10] On the ground floor is a kitchen, servants' quarters and stairs to the upper floors. The entrance, which is on the upper floor, was reached by a long flight of stairs which is now missing.[11] At each side of the building is a room with a lean-to roof which may have been used to stable horses.[12] A stone mounting block to assist people onto their horses can be seen on the eastern side.[10]To the front there was a semi-circular courtyard, enclosed by a low stone wall and entered by a gate.[13] The house faces to the north, looking over Dublin and the plains of Meath andKildare,[14] including Conolly's primary residence at Castletown House in Celbridge.[15] The grounds around the lodge consisted of a 1,000-acre (4.0 km2; 1.6 sq mi) deer park.[11] The identity of the architect is unknown: the author Michael Fewer has suggested it may have been Edward Lovett Pearce (1699-1733) who was employed by Conolly to carry out works at Castletown in 1724.[16]
There was a prehistoric burial site at the summit of Montpelier Hill and stones from it were used in the construction of the lodge.[8] A nearby standing stone was also used for the lintel over the fireplace.[17] Shortly after its completion, a great storm blew the original slateroof off. Local superstition held that this was the work of the Devil, an act of revenge for disturbing the ancient cairn.[18] Conolly had the roof replaced with an arched stone roof constructed in a similar fashion to that of a bridge.[13] This roof has remained intact to the present day, even though the building has been abandoned for over two centuries and despite the roof being set alight with tar barrels during the visit of Queen Victoria to Ireland in 1849.[18][19]

Fisheye image of the entrance hall and stairs on the upper floor
There is little evidence that the lodge was put to much use. Conolly himself died in 1729. The only known record of its occupation is an announcement of the death at Mount Pelier of a Mr Charles Cobbe, son of the Archbishop of Dublin, in July 1751.[15] This is erroneous, however. In fact, Cobbe died of a fever in Montpellier, France, early in 1751.[20]
However, it was the period in the years following Conolly's death that Mount Pelier's association with the Hell Fire Club began. The Irish Hell Fire Club was founded around 1737 by Richard Parsons, 1st Earl of Rosse, and James Worsdale.[21] Lord Rosse was probably the president of the club.[22] Evidence of the identities of other members comes from a painting by Worsdale entitled The Hell Fire Club, Dublin, now held by the National Gallery of Ireland, which shows five members of the club seated around a table.[23] The five men are Henry, 4th Baron Barry of Santry (who was tried and convicted for murder in 1739);[24] Simon Luttrell, Lord IrnhamColonel Henry Ponsonby; Colonel Richard St George and Colonel Clements.[23] Most of their meetings occurred in Dublin city centre at the Eagle Tavern on Cork Hill, near Dublin Castle.[25] Accounts of the club's meetings claim that members drank “scaltheen”, a mixture of whiskey and hot butter, and that they left a chair vacant at each gathering for the Devil.[26] The club's mascot was a black cat.[26]

Fisheye image of the kitchen on the lower floor
Mount Pelier was let to the club by the Conolly family.[27] Coincidentally, William Conolly had purchased Mountpelier Hill from Philip, Duke of Wharton, founder of the first Hell Fire Club in 1719.[28] It is not clear to what extent, if any, the Hell Fire Club made use of the building. The author Michael Fewer has suggested that the remoteness of Mount Pelier’s location is why there are almost no verifiable accounts of the activities that went on there.[29]However, numerous (and very doubtful) stories surrounding the building have become part of local folklore, some of which have spread to a wider audience through publication in the nineteenth century in books such as Robert ChambersBook of Days (1864) and in The Gentleman's Magazine (1731-1922).[26]
One of the best known of these tells of a stranger who arrived at the club on a stormy night. Invited in, he joined the members in a card game. One player dropped his card on the floor and when he bent under the table to retrieve it noticed that the stranger had a cloven hoof. At this point the visitor disappeared in a ball of flame. This is a very similar story to one associated with Loftus HallCounty Wexford.[30] The Loftus family owned a hunting lodge – known as Dolly Mount – which was also to be found on Montpelier Hill.[31]

Fisheye image of the stairs from the kitchen and servants quarters to the upper floor
Another story tells of a priest who came to the house one night and found the members engaged in the sacrifice of a black cat. The priest grabbed the cat and uttered an exorcismupon which a demon was released from the corpse of the cat.[32]
One tale centres on club member Simon Luttrell, Lord Irnham, later Earl of Carhampton, one time Sheriff of Dublin.[32] Luttrell is believed to have been the subject of The Diaboliad, a 1777 poem dedicated to “the worst man in England”.[33] According to the story, Luttrell made a pact with the Devil to give up his soul within seven years in return for settling his debts but, when the Devil came to Mount Pelier lodge to claim his prize, Luttrell distracted the Devil and fled.[33]
Other tales recount numerous drinking sessions and black masses at which animal sacrifices, and on one occasion the sacrifice of a dwarf, took place.[32]
At some point during this period, the building was damaged by fire. There are several stories connected with this incident. One holds that the club set fire to the building when William Conolly's son refused to renew the lease on the lodge.[27] An alternative story claims the club members did it in order to give the building a hellish appearance.[34] Another story recounts that, following a black mass, a footman spilled a drink on “Burn-Chapel” Whaley’s coat. Whaley retaliated by pouring brandy over the man and setting him alight. The fire spread around the building and killed many members.[35] Following the fire, the club relocated further down the hill to Killakee Stewards House.[36] However, the club's activities declined after this incident.[37]

The Hell Fire Club, just before dark
The Irish Hell Fire Club was revived in 1771 and was active for a further thirty years.[38] Its most notorious member was Thomas “Buck” Whaley, son of Richard Chappell Whaley.[38]This new incarnation was known as “The Holy Fathers”.[38] Meetings once again took place at Mount Pelier lodge and, according to one story, the members kidnapped, murdered and ate a farmer's daughter.[37] Whaley eventually repented and, when he died in 1800, the Irish Hell Fire Club passed away with him.[37]
The antiquarian Austin Cooper visited the house in 1779 and found it in a state of disrepair.[39] Joseph Holt, a general of the Society of the United Irishmen recorded in his memoirs that he spent a night in the ruin of Mount Pelier while on the run following the 1798 Rebellion.[4] Holt wrote of his experience, “I lay down in the arched room of that remarkable building. I felt confident of the protection of the Almighty that the name of enchantment and the idle stories that were told of the place had but a slight hold of my mind.”[29] The Conollys sold the lands to Luke White in 1800.[40] They passed through inheritance to theMassy family of Duntrileage, County Limerick.[41] When the Massy family became bankrupt, the lands were acquired by the State.[41]Today, the building is maintained by Coillte, who manage the forestry plantations on Montpelier's slopes, who have installed concrete stairs and iron safety rails across the upper windows.[30]

[edit]Prehistoric monuments


The remains of the cairn on Montpelier
The remains of the prehistoric monument that originally stood at the summit can be seen to the rear of the Hell Fire Club building. Austin Cooper, on his visit in 1779, described it thus: “behind the house are still the remains of the cairn, the limits of which were composed of large stones set edgeways which made a sort of wall or boundary about 18 inches (46 centimetres) high and withinside these were the small stones heaped up. It is 34 yards (31 metres) diameter or 102 yards (93 metres) in circumference. In the very centre is a large stone 9 feet (2.7 metres) long and 6 feet (1.8 metres) broad and about 3 feet (0.91 metres) thick not raised upon large stones but lying low with the stones cleared away from about it. There are several other large stones lying upon the heap.”[42] It appears from this description that the central chamber of the monument – which was a passage grave[17] – survived intact even after Mount Pelier was constructed.[39] The historian Peter J. O'Keefe has suggested that many of the stones were taken away and used in the construction of the Military Road at the start of the nineteenth century.[10] Today, all that remains is a circular mound 15 metres (49 feet) in diameter and up to 2 metres (6.6 feet) high with a dip at the centre where the chamber was located.[17] The four large stones at the edge are all that survive of the kerbstones that formed the boundary of the monument.[43] In close proximity is a second mound, 1 metre (3.3 feet) high, on which an Ordnance Survey trig pillar stands.[17] Close to the monument is a fallen standing stone, a pointed rock 1 metre (3.3 feet) high.[44]

[edit]The Stewards House


The Stewards House
Further down the hill, along the Military Road, is a two story house, known as The Stewards House or as Killakee House (not to be confused with the now-demolished Killakee House that served as the residence of the Massy family who owned the adjacent Killakee Estate). It was built around 1765 by the Conolly family as a hunting lodge.[45] Over the years, it has served as a dower house and as a residence for the agent who managed the Killakee Estate.[46] To the rear is a belfry; this was once a common feature of large farmhouses and was used to call the workers for meals.[46] The Hell Fire Club held meetings here for a time following the fire that damaged Mount Pelier lodge.[36] The house has a reputation for being haunted, particularly by a large black cat.[47] Stories regarding the origin of this spectre either connect it with the account of the priest who exorcised a cat at the Hell Fire Club[48]or with a cat that was doused in whiskey and set alight by members of the Hell Fire Club before escaping across the mountains with its fur aflame.[49]
The best documented account of these hauntings occurred between 1968 and 1970. The Evening Herald and Evening Pressnewspapers carried a number of reports regarding a Mrs Margaret O'Brien and her husband Nicholas, a retired Garda superintendent, who were converting the house into an arts centre.[32] The redevelopment had been a troubled affair with tradesmen employed on the work leaving complaining of ghosts.[50] One night, a friend of the O'Brien's, artist Tom McAssey, and two workmen were confronted by a spectral figure and a black cat with glowing red eyes.[51] McAssey painted a portrait of the cat which hung in the house for several years after.[51] Although locals were sceptical of the reports,[51] further apparitions were reported, most notably of an Indian gentleman and of two nuns called Blessed Margaret and Holy Mary who had taken part in black masses on Mountpelier Hill.[48] There were also reports of ringing bells and poltergeist activity.[51] In 1970 an RTÉ television crew recorded a documentary at the house.[52] In the documentary a clairvoyant called Sheila St. Clair communicated with the spirits of the house through automatic writing.[53] In 1971, a plumber working in the house discovered a grave with a skeleton of a small figure, most likely that of a child or, perhaps, the body of the dwarf alleged to have been sacrificed by the members of the Hell Fire Club.[51] The house operated as a restaurant in the 1990s before closing in 2001; it is now a private residence.[47]

[edit]Killakee (Lord Massy's) Estate

On the other side of the Military Road to Hell Fire Wood and the Stewards House is the remains of Killakee Estate (IrishCoill an Chaoich, meaning "Blind Man's Wood"),[54] now known as Lord Massy's Estate.[55] These lands were first granted to Walter de Ridleford after the Norman invasion and later given to Sir Thomas Luttrell, an ancestor of Hell Fire Club member Simon Luttrell, by Henry VIII.[41] The Luttrell family held onto the estate until the seventeenth century when it was relinquished to Dudley Loftus and then passed to William Conolly.[41] In 1800, the Conolly family sold the estate to Luke White.[40]

The ruined gardens of Killakee Estate
The White family built Killakee House on the estate in the early nineteenth century.[56] This was a two storey, thirty-six roomed stucco-faced house.[57] It had a Tuscan-columnedentrance and large three-windowed bows on the back and sides.[56] Luke White's second son, Colonel Samuel White, inherited the estate on his father's death in 1824 and invested considerable effort in developing its gardens.[58] In 1838, he engaged the services of Sir Ninian Niven, former director of the Botanic Gardens in Dublin.[59] Niven laid out two Victorian formal gardens of gravel walks, terraces and exotic trees decorated with statues of Greek and Roman gods.[59] Adjacent to the house was a terraced rose garden with a statue of Neptune.[59] A second walled garden in a vale in the woods below the house contained more fountains and a range of glasshouses designed by Richard Turner.[58] William Robinson, writing in The Gardener's Chronicle and Agricultural Gazette on 10 December 1864, said of the gardens, “I know of no better example of the advantage of extensively planting and draining a barren and elevated district than is afforded by this demesne of 500 acres.”[60]
When Samuel White's widow, Anne, died in 1880, she bequeathed the estate to her late husband's nephew, John Thomas, 6th Baron Massy.[61] The Massys were a Protestant Ascendancy family who had come to Ireland in 1641 and owned extensive lands in CountiesLimerickLeitrim and Tipperary.[62] Massy used Killakee House to entertain guests while shooting game on nearby Cruagh and Glendoo mountains.[63] He also used the house to host parties during major events on the Dublin social calendar such as the Dublin Horse Show, the Punchestown Races and the Dublin Castle Season.[64] During these events long lines of guests' carriages could be seen stretched along the road leading to the house.[65] However, as a result of declining rental income and poor investment decisions, John Thomas Massy was in considerable debt when he died in 1915.[63] By the time John Massy's grandson, Hugh Hamon Charles, 8th Baron Massy, inherited the estate, the family's finances were in an irreversible decline and in 1924 he was declared bankrupt and evicted from Killakee House.[66] The Massys initially moved into the Stewards House before taking up residence in Beehive Cottage, the estate's gate lodge, by agreement with the bank.[67] Hamon Massy, unable to find a job on account of his alcoholism became dependent on his wife, Margaret, whose modest salary from a job with the Irish Hospitals' Sweepstake was the family's only income.[68]In the years up to his death in 1958, Hamon Massy, who became known as the “Penniless Peer”, could be seen collecting firewood in the woods of his former family estate.[69]

Killakee Wedge Tomb
Following the eviction, Killakee House was briefly used as an operations base by the Detective Unit of the Garda Síochána in 1931 while they hunted IRA subversives who were hiding explosives at Killakee.[70] When the bank was unable to find a buyer for the estate, it was acquired by a builder who stripped the house and then demolished it in 1941.[63] The lands were eventually acquired by the State and opened to the public.[71] In the late 1930s, the Director of Forestry, a German called Otto Reinard, laid out the area as an unban forest.[6] The trees have reclaimed most of the land once occupied by the formal gardens: all that remains is the brickwork at the rear of the Turner glasshouses and the system of irrigation canals and ponds for the exotic plants contained within.[72]
In 1978, the archaeologist and historian Patrick Healy discovered the remains of a prehistoric wedge tomb in the woods.[73] All the survives is the skeletal outline of the main chamber and the outer double walls.[74] Most of the stones were removed to build the low stone wall that runs across the front of the tomb.[75]

[edit]Carthy’s Castle


Carthy's Castle
On the northern slopes is another ruined building, known as Carthy’s or McCarthy’s Castle.[76] This is all that remains of Dolly Mount – also known as the “Long House” and “Mount Pelier House” – a large hunting residence built by Henry LoftusEarl of Ely towards the end of the eighteenth century.[31] The building was originally two stories high with bow windows each side of the hall door, above which was the Ely coat of arms.[77] At each side of the house was an arched gate from which extended a range of ancillary buildings, terminating in a three-storied tower with an embattled top and pointed windows.[78] The interiors were noted for their marble chimney pieces and stuccoed ceilings.[78] The earl’s first wife, Frances Monroe, was the aunt of Dolores “Dolly” Monroe who was a celebrated beauty and in whose honour the house was named Dolly Mount.[79] The Ely’s subsequently abandoned the residence and the building soon fell into ruin, mainly at the hands of a tenant called Jack Kelly who wrecked the house in order to ensure his tenancy would not be disturbed.[80] All, except for the tower at the western end, which is now known as Carthy’s Castle, was demolished in 1950.[81]

[edit]Orlagh House


St Colmcille's Well
In the land adjacent to Carthy’s Castle is Orlagh House which has been owned by theAugustinian Order since the mid-nineteenth century and is a retreat and conference centre run by the friars.[82] It was built in 1790 by Mr Lundy Foot, a wealthy snuff merchant, who named the house Footmount.[82] He was also a magistrate and was instrumental in condemning three members of the Kearney family to death for the murder of John Kinlan, the gamekeeper at Friarstown, near Bohernabreena, in 1816.[83] Foot was subsequently murdered in 1835, an act that was attributed to relatives of the Kearneys.[84] In fact, Foot was killed by James Murphy, the son of an evicted tenant farmer whose land Foot had bought following the eviction.[85]
In a field opposite Orlagh House is a holy well associated with Saint Colmcille. A statue of the saint, designed by Joseph Tierney, was erected at the site in 1917.[86] Pilgrims either drink the water or apply it to sore ears.[87]

[edit]Access and recreation

Montpelier Hill is accessed from the Hell Fire Wood car park along the R115 road between Rathfarnham and Glencullen.[6] The woods offer around 4.5 kilometres (2.8 miles) of forest roads and tracks as well as a permanent orienteering course.[6] Lord Massy's Estate is also accessed from the R115, close to the Hell Fire Wood car park.[55] The woods offer a nature trail and a permanent orienteering course.[55] Lord Massy's Estate and Montpelier Hill are also traversed by the Dublin Mountains Way hiking trail that runs betweenShankill and Tallaght.[1]

[edit]See also

Portal iconMountains portal

[edit]References

[edit]Notes

  1. a b c d Ordnance Survey Ireland.Discovery Series No. 50 (Map).
  2. ^ "Hell Fire Club"Irish Placenames DatabaseDepartment of Community, Equality and Gaeltacht Affairs. Retrieved 2010-08-01.
  3. ^ Joyce, p. 125.
  4. a b Healy, p. 47.
  5. ^ Healy, p. 36.
  6. a b c d "Hell Fire Club"Coillte Outdoors. Retrieved 2010-08-01.
  7. ^ Handcock, p. 86-87.
  8. a b c Joyce, p. 123.
  9. a b Handcock, p. 86.
  10. a b c Fewer, p. 70.
  11. a b Handcock, p. 87.
  12. ^ Healy, p. 44.
  13. a b Joyce, p. 124.
  14. ^ Joyce, p. 125.
  15. a b Ball, p. 40.
  16. ^ Fewer, Michael (May/June 2010). "Gems of Architecture: The Hellfire Club, Co. Dublin". History Ireland(Dublin: History Publications Ltd.) 18(3): 29. ISSN 0791-8224.
  17. a b c d Fourwinds, p. 131.
  18. a b Healy, p. 45.
  19. ^ Handcock, p. 88.
  20. ^ Ryan, p. 158.
  21. ^ Ryan, p. 29.
  22. ^ Ryan, p. 22.
  23. a b Ryan, pp. 30-34.
  24. ^ Ryan, pp. 53-57.
  25. ^ Ryan, pp. 34-35.
  26. a b c Lord, p. 63.
  27. a b Ashe, p. 63.
  28. ^ Lord, p. 62.
  29. a b Fewer, p. 72.
  30. a b Walsh, p. 19.
  31. a b Joyce, p. 121-122.
  32. a b c d Walsh, p. 20.
  33. a b Lord, p. 65.
  34. ^ Walsh, Dave (1998-10-30). "The Irish Hellfire Club: No Smoke Withour Fire"Blather.net. Retrieved 2010-08-12.
  35. ^ O'Farrell, p. 85-86.
  36. a b Ashe, p. 63-64.
  37. a b c Ashe, p. 208.
  38. a b c Ashe, p. 207.
  39. a b Healy, p. 46.
  40. a b Tracy, p. 28
  41. a b c d Healy, p. 63.
  42. ^ Fewer, p. 69.
  43. ^ Fourwinds, p. 24.
  44. ^ Fourwinds, p. 132.
  45. ^ Tracy, p. 81.
  46. a b Fewer, p. 68.
  47. a b Walsh, p. 21.
  48. a b Ashe, p. 64.
  49. ^ O' Farrell, p. 85.
  50. ^ O'Farrell, p. 87.
  51. a b c d e Walsh, p. 22.
  52. ^ O' Farrell, p. 84.
  53. ^ O'Farrell, p.88.
  54. ^ "Killakee"Irish Placenames DatabaseDepartment of Community, Equality and Gaeltacht Affairs. Retrieved 2010-08-14.
  55. a b c "Massy's Estate"Coillte Outdoors. Retrieved 2010-08-12.
  56. a b Fewer, p.79.
  57. ^ Tracy, p. 29.
  58. a b Tracy, p. 31.
  59. a b c Fewer, p.80.
  60. ^ Tracy, p. 34.
  61. ^ Tracy, p. 46.
  62. ^ Tracy, passim.
  63. a b c Fewer, p. 83.
  64. ^ Tracy, p. 51.
  65. ^ Tracy, p. 52.
  66. ^ Tracy, p. 64.
  67. ^ Tracy, p. 64-65.
  68. ^ Tracy, p. 65.
  69. ^ Tracy, p. 68.
  70. ^ Tracy, p. 80.
  71. ^ Fewer, p. 85.
  72. ^ Fewer, p. 84.
  73. ^ Fourwinds, p. 24.
  74. ^ Fourwinds, p. 114.
  75. ^ Healy, p. 65.
  76. ^ Healy, p. 53.
  77. ^ Handcock, p. 90.
  78. a b Joyce, p, 121
  79. ^ Handcock, p. 89.
  80. ^ Handcock, p. 91.
  81. ^ Healy, p. 43.
  82. a b Healy, p. 42.
  83. ^ Hopkins, p. 67.
  84. ^ Joyce, p. 122.
  85. ^ Hopkins, p. 68.
  86. ^ Healy, p. 40.
  87. ^ Dun Laoghaire Rathdown County Council, p. 178.

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Copyright of Jim Cairns Kilkenny Ireland

Tuesday, May 7, 2013

SS UK - Your Tax Money






How MI6, CIA Spend Your Tax Money on Propping Up Drug Production

By Annie Machon
May 06, 2013 "Information Clearing House" -"RT" - With both the CIA and MI6 secretly providing 'ghost money' bribes to the Afghan political establishment, it’s likely that Afghans will increasingly support a resurgent Taliban and the drug trade will be further propped up.
Afghan President Hamid Karzai, has recently been criticized for taking 'ghost money' from the CIA and MI6. The sums are unknown – for the usual reasons of 'national security' – but are estimated to have been in the tens of millions of dollars. While this is nowhere near the eye-bleeding $12 billion shipped over to Iraq on pallets in the wake of the invasion a decade ago, it is still a significant amount.

And how has this money been spent?  Certainly not on social projects or rebuilding initiatives.  Rather, the reporting indicates, the money has been funneled to Karzai's cronies as bribes in a corrupt attempt to buy influence in the country.

None of this surprises me. MI6 has a long and ignoble history of trying to buy influence in countries of interest.  In 1995/96 it funded a 'ragtag group of Islamic extremists,' headed up by a Libyan military intelligence officer, in an illegal attempt to try to assassinate Colonel Gaddafi.  The attack went wrong and innocent people were killed. When this scandal was exposed, it caused an outcry.

Yet a mere 15 years later, MI6 and the CIA were back in Libya, providing support to the same 'rebels,' who this time succeeded in capturing, torturing and killing Gaddafi, while plunging Libya into apparently endless internecine war. This time around there was little international outcry, as the world's media portrayed this aggressive interference in a sovereign state as 'humanitarian relief.'

And we also see the same in Syria now, as the CIA and MI6 are already providing training and communication support to the rebels – many of whom, particularly the Al Nusra faction in control of the oil-rich north-east of Syria are in fact allied with Al-Qaeda in Iraq.  So in some countries the UK and USA use drones to target and murder "militants" (plus villagers, wedding parties and other assorted innocents), while in others they back ideologically similar groups.
Recently, we have also seen the Western media making unverified claims that the Syrian regime is using chemical weapons against its own people, and our politicians leaping on these assertions as justification for openly providing weapons to the insurgents.
Other reports are now emerging that indicate it was the rebels themselves who have been using sarin gas against the people. This may halt the rush to war, but not doubt other support will continue to be offered by the West to these war criminals.
So, how is MI6 secretly spending UK taxpayers' money in Afghanistan? According to Western media reporting, it is being used to prop up warlords and corrupt officials. This is deeply unpopular amongst the Afghan people, leading to the danger of increasing support for a resurgent Taliban.
There is also a significant overlap between the corrupt political establishment and the illegal drug trade, up to and including the president's late brother, Ahmed Wali Karzai. So, another unintentional consequence may be that some of this unaccountable ghost money is propping up the drug trade.
Afghanistan is the world's leading producer of heroin, and the UN reports that poppy growth has increased dramatically. Indeed, the UN estimates that acreage under poppy growth in Afghanistan has tripled over the last 7 years.  The value of the drug trade to the Afghan warlords is now estimated to be in the region of $700 million per year.  You can buy a lot of Kalashnikovs with that.
On the one hand, we have Western governments bankrupting themselves to fight the 'war on terror,' breaking international laws and murdering millions of innocent people across North Africa, the Middle East and central Asia, while at the same time shredding what remains of our hard-won civil liberties at home.
On the other hand, we apparently have MI6 and the CIA secretly bankrolling the very people in Afghanistan who produce 90 percent of the world's heroin. And then, of course, more scarce resources can be spent on fighting the failed 'war on drugs,' and yet another pretext is used to shred our civil liberties.
This is a lucrative economic model for the burgeoning military-security complex. However, it is a lose-lose scenario for the rest of us.

Annie Machon is a former intel­li­gence officer for MI5, the UK Secur­ity Ser­vice, who resigned in the late 1990s to blow the whistle on the spies’ crimes with her ex-partner, David Shayler.

LEFT IRELAND GREEN




Ireland: Political prisoner Marian Price victim of British injustice

Tuesday, May 7, 2013
Bernadette Devlin McAliskey, veteran Irish civil rights leader, said in response to the case of Irish republican Marian Price, who was returned to jail in 2011: “It is a clear signal to everyone who is not 'on board' and who is not of the same mind as the government that no dissent will be tolerated.
“No dissent will be tolerated and you challenge the status quo at your peril.”.
Marian Price, 59, is a long-time Irish republican activist and ex-Irish Republican Army volunteer. She was given two life sentences over bomb blasts in London in March 1973 that targeted a British army recruitment centre and Old Bailey courts. Price was one of nine republicans sentenced, including her sister Dolours and Gerry Kelly, who is now Sinn Fein MLA for North Belfast.
Price was given a “royal pardon” in 1980 and left prison suffering from poor health and weighing only five stone. The Price sisters had spent 200 days on hunger strike demanding to be transferred to a jail in Ireland's north, where republican prisoners had political status.
They were both forcibly restrained and force-fed three times a day over the last 167 days of the hunger strike.
Despite her health issues and prolonged jailing, Price remained politically active after her release. Her outspoken criticism of British rule caused problems for the British administration, who had probably hoped she would quietly fade from the political scene.
Price’s continued activism and vocal support for republicanism kept her under scrutiny and made her a target for British security services.
Jailed on orders of government official
Price was returned to prison in 2011, not on the basis of fresh evidence or any new offence. Rather, then-British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Owen Paterson ordered her detention and charged her with encouraging support for an illegal organisation.
The basis of this charge is that Price attended a 1916 Easter Rising Commemoration held in Derry; one of many held by Irish republicans each year. At the event, Price held up a piece of paper for a masked man from the 32-County Sovereignty Movement as he read out a message.
Three days later, Price was arrested. She was then granted bail, but arrested again after she left the court on Paterson's orders.
This time, the reason was based on secret information from the British intelligence services, which claims the evidence cannot be revealed due to national security concerns.
Later, Price was also charged with “providing property for the purposes of terrorism”; this allegedly related to her purchase of a phone, which authorities “think” was later used by attackers who killed two soldiers in 2009.
Price's supporters believe this is merely an attempt by the British authorities to link her with a crime. No evidence or connection to the incident was produced and she was again granted bail by the court.
Yet Price remains in prison due to Paterson's order.
Price's real transgression seems to be her critical remarks about conditions in the six Irish counties still claimed by Britain, and of the Good Friday Agreement that lead to the power-sharing arrangement between Sinn Fein and parties that support British rule in the north.
Solitary confinement
After her arrest, Price was held in solitary confinement in the all-male Maghaberry high security prison for more than nine months, despite not being convicted of any crime.
Then in February last year, Price was taken to Hydebank Women’s Prison where she served another nine months in solitary confinement.
In May last year, the so-called charges involving the Easter Commemoration incident were thrown out of court by a judge. Still Price remained in prison as her mental and physical health rapidly deteriorated.
Then in June, by now seriously ill, she was transferred to a secure ward at Belfast hospital.
The European Court and former Commission on Human Rights, as well as the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT), have said the use of solitary confinement can be classified as torture, depending on the circumstances.
The CPT has also said that solitary confinement “can amount to inhuman and degrading treatment” and has on several occasions criticised such practices. It has recommended reforms such as abandoning specific regimes, limiting the use of solitary confinement to exceptional circumstances, and/or securing inmates a higher level of social contact.
Furthermore, the revised European Prison Rules of 2006 have clearly stated that solitary confinement should be an exceptional measure and, when used, should be for as short a time as possible.
The Inter-American Court of Human Rights has also stated that prolonged solitary confinement constitutes a form of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment prohibited under Article 5 of the American Convention on Human Rights.
The UN’s lead investigator on torture, Juan Mendez, has called for governments to end the use of long spells of solitary confinement in prison. Mendez said such isolation could cause serious mental and physical damage and amounted to torture.
He further said that short term isolation was permissible only for prisoner protection, but all solitary confinement longer than 15 days should be banned.
Support for Price
In a joint statement in November last year appealing to US officials visiting Ireland to support calls for the release of Price, Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams and Sinn Fein deputy first minister of the Northern Ireland Executive Martin McGuinness said: “[Price's treatment is a] serious case of injustice and denial of human rights and judicial rights in the north of Ireland.
“We believe that her detention is unjust and runs contrary to the principles of natural justice. We believe very strongly that Marian Price McGlinchey should be released.
“ Her human rights have been breached. She has been denied justice and due process. She is seriously ill. Her detention undermines the justice system and the political process.
“She clearly presents no threat to anyone.”
The campaign to release Price has encompassed a diverse range of people and political, social and community organisations across Ireland and elsewhere. Calls for her freedom have been backed by the two parliamentary nationalist parties in the north, Sinn Fein and the Social Democratic Labour Party (SDLP).
Adams called for Marian’s release in November, January and again in March. McGuinness has also appealed several times for her release, most recently at Sinn Fein's Ard Fheis (congress). He also attended and gave evidence at the Parole Commissioners hearing a short time ago.
SDLP leader Alistair McDonnell called for her release on March 30. SDLP MLA Pat Ramsey has been a vocal supporter of the release of Price, as has Lisburn independent councillor Angela Nelson.
The campaign is also supported by a wide range of republican and national groups, including the 32 County Sovereignty Movement (of which Price is a member), Irish Republican Socialist Party, Republican Network for Unity, Eirigi, Republican Sinn Fein, Irish Freedom Committee, Friends of Irish Freedom, the Celtic League, the United Celtic Brotherhood and the 1916 Societies.
Calls for Price's freedom have also come from Dublin City Council, Fermanagh Council, Dungannon Council, Galway Council, Derry Council, Sligo Council and Omagh Council.
Among other groups calling for Price’s release are the Scottish Republican Socialist Party and Human Rights Watch UK.
Justice
Devlin McAliskey said: “I think what is very important for people to recognise that what is happening to Marian is not an isolated case. While it's happening here in Northern Ireland and we have had to call upon the UN Rapporteur for Health to exercise his authority to examine it ... [it relfects] the arrogance [of] many of the Western powers ...
“I think Marian's case is symptomatic of those things we see every day ... That people can still be imprisoned without due process and that many countries, particularly in the very powerful Western alliances, feel that UN resolutions and UN protections are for protecting them from their enemies, but not people from powerful states.
“Marian's case is not just something peculiar to the Northern Ireland situation. The increasing confidence with which fundamental human rights and due process and protections are being ignored ― I think is frightening.”
The treatment of Price amounts to a return to the bad days of interment without trial, enforced by the British on the nationalist community in Ireland's north in the early 1970s.
Price is being held purely because of her views and criticisms. She is being selectively targeted because she refuses to remain silent in the face of British coercion and repression.
The British justice system’s mistreatment of Price has again exposed it as the disgraceful, hypocritical and discriminatory structure that it is, a fact that Irish people have experienced throughout the colonial occupation of Ireland.
Price’s case reveals the contempt the British judicial system has for genuine fairness and due process.
Twice she was granted bail by judges, only to be rearrested due to orders signed by the Northern Ireland secretary of state. Price has been illegally imprisoned. The lack of a genuine case against Price and her jailing without due process is a travesty that must be remedied by her unconditional freedom.
Price’s human rights are being grossly violated by her long-term incarceration. She is effectively detained without trial, sentence or release date. This means she could be held for an indefinite time, an illegitimate procedure that allows the British administration to hold her for the rest of her life if it so desires.
On the basis of compassion, legal, civil and political rights, and those of common sense, Price should be released immediately.

Monday, May 6, 2013

THE FALSE NARRATIVE OF THE PENSIVE QUILL




Monday 9th March 1981
I have left this rather late tonight and it is cold. The priest Fr Murphy was in. I had a discussion with him on the situation. He said he enjoyed our talk and was somewhat enlightened, when he was leaving.
On the subject of priests, I received a small note from a Fr S. C. from Tralee, Kerry, and some holy pictures of Our Lady. The thought touched me. If it is the same man, I recall him giving a lecture to us in Cage 11 some years ago on the right to lift arms in defence of the freedom of one’s occupied and oppressed nation. Preaching to the converted he was, but it all helps.
It is my birthday and the boys are having a sing-song for me, bless their hearts. I braved it to the door, at their request, to make a bit of a speech, for what it was worth. I wrote to several friends today including Bernie and my mother. I feel all right and my weight is 60 kgs.
I always keep thinking of James Connolly, and the great calm and dignity that he showed right to his very end, his courage and resolve. Perhaps I am biased, because there have been thousands like him but Connolly has always been the man that I looked up to.
I always have tremendous feeling for Liam Mellowes as well; and for the present leadership of the Republican Movement, and a confidence in them that they will always remain undaunted and unchanged. And again, dare I forget the Irish people of today, and the risen people of the past, they too hold a special place in my heart.
Well, I have gotten by twenty-seven years, so that is something. I may die, but the Republic of 1916 will never die. Onward to the Republic and liberation of our people.      
Bobby Sands







THE GREEN BOOK
The recruit is also made aware of the importance of another tenet forced on the I.R.A. by harsh experience: motivation. Mindful of the splits and informers which grew out of both internment and more particularly the I.R.A.'s own blanket style of recruiting, he is warned.
The Army as an organisation claims and expects your total allegiance without reservation. It enters into every aspect of your life. It invades the privacy of your home life, it fragments your family and friends, in other words claims your total allegiance.All potential volunteers must realise that the threat of capture and of long jail sentences are a very real danger and a shadow which hangs over every volunteer. Many in the past joined the Army out of romantic notions, or sheer adventure, but when captured and jailed they had after-thoughts about their allegiance to the Army. They realised at too late a stage that they had no real interest in being volunteers. This causes splits and dissension inside prisons and divided families and neighbours outside. Another important aspect all potential volunteers should think about is their ability to obey orders from a superior officer. All volunteers must obey orders issued to them by a superior officer regardless of whether they like the particular officer or not.
This motivation is not merely expected to carry the volunteer through vicissitudes such as capture, interrogation and prison; it is expected to sustain him to the Movement's ultimate political goal - a socialist Republic. It is dinned into him that military action is an extension of political action, therefore the military campaign of the I.R.A. is in effect a political campaign. The recruit is told bluntly: 'people with no political concepts have no place in the Army.' Furthermore, those concepts must be of a particular type: 'All potential volunteers must be socialist in outlook.' The recruit is given a very clear eyed vision of the facts.
Before any potential volunteer decides to join the Irish Republican Army he should understand fully and clearly the issues involved. He should not join the Army because of emotionalism, sensationalism, or adventurism. He should examine fully his own motives, knowing the dangers involved and knowing that he will find no romance within the Movement. Again he should examine his political motives bearing in mind that the Army are intent on creating a Socialist Republic.

Life in an underground army is extremely harsh and hard, cruel and disillusioning at times. So before any person decides to join the Army he should think seriously about the whole thing."  
_

Green Book



THE FALSE NARRATIVE OF THE PENSIVE QUILL


... only to end up ourselves beneath the blade of a Committee of Public Safety or some Dictator of the Proletariat … Nicos Poulantzas


When Bobby Sands died on hunger strike 32 years ago today, for a short time he pushed republicanism into a moral stratosphere from where it could gaze down on its critics, detractors and opponents. It was a commanding height, attained courtesy of interminable suffering, that was never going to be held for long despite the enormous selflessness of the Sands action.  The exigencies of armed conflict, the persistently ebbing support for armed struggle, the relentless attrition and unremitting war fatigue all combined to paint armed republicanism into a corner where strategic versatility was heavily circumscribed. Yet for all of that Bobby Sands and the nine comrades who followed in his wake left a footprint which has never been erased from public consciousness.

Before Richard O’Rawe came along and began his lonely endeavour of chipping away at the block lie, a narrative was set in stone that helped keep the public misinformed. In addition to mediator Brendan Duddy two groups of people knew how fallacious the narrative was and for different reasons these two bodies had little incentive to be forthcoming about the events of 1981. The Committee for Prisoner Safety that ran the hunger strike, to the exclusion of the prisoners on strike, banked all the capital that accrued from ten men dead, using it to promote the political career of its leader to whose wagon it was firmly hitched.  It wasn’t going to rain on its own parade. Until lately the British maintained radio silence although it is inconceivable that they did not put their wealth of  knowledge to major strategic use even though the public might have to wait a while yet to discover the finer details of whatever nefarious transaction occurred there.

The false narrative depicted the British Prime Minister of the day as the Iron Lady who would neither yield nor turn, her intransigence tactile rather than tactical:  despite their best efforts the hunger strikers had failed to break the woman and in the end her malevolence won the physical battle while their victory was a moral one

Since the 2005 publication of Blanketmen, clarity has displaced the manufactured clouds that shielded the false narrative. The Committee has fulminated and fumed against O’Rawe but was possessed of neither the punching power to take him out nor the ring craft to evade his hand speed. Now the ring is his to discourse freely from without any fear of serious challenge. As the late Springhill republican Harriet Kelly was fond of saying, there is a hundred ways to lie but only one way to tell the truth. It has been the one way with O’Rawe since his counter narrative emerged. Assailed by a barrage of lies from the managers of mendacity it has withstood everything hurled at it.

Margaret Thatcher outlived Bobby Sands by almost 32 years. Yet there is a certain irony in that she of all people, the bane of the hunger strikers, has posthumously acknowledged their victory though the release of her archive. She has restored to them the victory the Committee robbed them of. The lady who was not for turning was forced to turn by the moral force of the hunger strikers combined to British state strategic acuity which was even at that juncture moulding a leadership that in the language of diplomacy it could do business with or, in the language of counter insurgency, bring to heel and co-opt.

What is galling about documentation that has been making its way into the public domain is that the British interlocutors dealing with the Committee were ‘appalled’ that the Committee men would continue to refuse an offer that would have ended the hunger strike and saved six lives. The prisoners had already accepted the offer and transmitted this to the Committee which overruled them and sabotaged the transmission of their acceptance to the British, thus ensuring only one outcome: coffins on the streets. The Committee had objectives other than saving prisoners’ lives on its agenda.

Richard O’Rawe, comrade of the hunger strikers, foil of the Committee of slayers, no longer requires vindication. His case is proven beyond all doubt. The Committee cannot even take shelter behind the Scottish legal verdict of 'not proven'. Exposed in its disgusting betrayal of great men its own sorry lot could never hope to match, it can claim its rightful spot in the Hall of Shame.

It is a place where Bobby Sands will never be afforded space. 

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