THE SCUM STATE RACKET OF BRITISH OCCUPIED IRELAND

The Scum Sectarian Police State of British Occupied Ireland Is A Racket, where the British industrial war complex whose operations are subsidized  by British taxpayers and public funding, are able to generate substantial profits essentially from human suffering in Ireland.The first videos of recent events in Belfast beamed around the world advertize the wares of population control. The Tory Party Leader and current Prime Minister of great Britain market these armaments in the Middle-east and worldwide with huge kickbacks for the Tory Party as did Margaret Thatcher before him.

The whole securocrat British scum statelet, their policing apparatus, their ever expandin budget, their Secret Services growth industry, the more trouble there is in British Occupied Ireland. Their primary goal is to provoke it, with injustice like internment without trial and blackmailed sockpuppet politicians playing to the British hymn sheet of provoking it, with contrived sectarian divide and conquer colonial agenda.

When there are genuine professional politicians, lawyers, journalists within the community who actually take them on they are liquidated as the other videos below demonstrate. The Scum Sectarian Police State of British Occupied Ireland Is A Racket, with internment without trial and bloodletting in every generation since its foundation It is a failed statelet in every sense of the word, contrived on a colonial, sectarian headcount and no amount of political tinkering will justify it.

1. British Occupied Ireland  is a racket
2. British Occupied Ireland makes the profits for whom?
3. Who pays the bills of British Occupied Ireland ?
4. British Occupied Ireland smash this racket!
5. To hell with British Occupied Ireland's war on people!

It contains this key summary:

The racket of British Occupied Ireland, like any racket, can be best described, I believe, as something that is not what it seems to the majority of the people. Only a small 'inside' group knows what it is about. It is conducted for the benefit of the very few, at the expense of the very many. Out of the racket of British Occupied Ireland, a few people make huge fortunes at the expense of those who give their lives and the British taxpayer.

Pat Finucane Human Rights Lawyer Rosemary Nelson Human Rights Lawyer Bernadette Devlin McAliskey Westminster MP

 Martin O'Hagan - Journalist 

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IRISH PEACE PROCESS DEVOID ON DUE PROCESS

The reason SF and FF split in the first place was the Constitutional issue. PSF surrendered on that matter, so there are now no actual ideological differences.While Martin McGuinness has called De Valera a traitor, for murdering IRA men, he also said Ireland could not be freed without armed struggle. We now have proof that McGuinness is a waffler like Gerry Adams, who says he was never in the IRA and with FF and PSF having 40% of the vote its highly likely that Britain's MI5 will have a major say after the next election and that a United Ireland will rejoin the British Commonwealth. Michael Martin is correct but like Adams he fogets to mention, it is first and foremost devoid of Justice, as in the instance of internment without trial.

Opening the Merriman Summer School in Lisdoonvarna, Co Clare the Fianna Fáil leader said problems in Northern Ireland were being merely “managed” rather than “developed”. Photograph: Alan Betson

Dan Keenan

• Topics:
• News
• Politics

Thu, Aug 15, 2013, 01:00

First published:Thu, Aug 15, 2013, 01:00

   

The Northern Ireland peace process is devoid of urgency and ambition and run by people who pander to their own constituencies and partisan concerns, Micheál Martin has said.

Opening the Merriman Summer School in Lisdoonvarna, Co Clare, last night, the Fianna Fáil leader said problems in Northern Ireland were being merely “managed” rather than “developed”.

“In some areas we are seeing a slow but undeniable retreat from a policy of deeper co-operation,” he said.

A majority in Northern Ireland felt the Stormont Assembly had achieved little, he said. In the Republic, people paid attention to Northern Ireland only when problems arose.

“There are only a handful of journalists who pay any attention to the wider cultural, social and economic dimensions of relations within Northern Ireland and between North and South,” he said.

“It is as if issues relating to the North have been put away in a file marked ‘history’ only to be dusted off when communal tensions flare up again.”

His address focused on the need for the opportunities provided by the Belfast Agreement to be pursued fully.

“The failure to take all of these opportunities, to build deep understanding of other communities, to aggressively target development, to work to being the concerns of marginalised groups and areas on to a shared agenda – each of these poses a long-term threat to what has been achieved,” he said.

The British-Irish element of the agreement was the most developed, he said, but North- South opportunities were being overlooked.Calling for a “reinvigorated north-south dimension”, he said work was needed to promote development which would show practical results for communities.

His singled out the failure to secure funding for the Narrow Water bridge spanning counties Louth and Down, and called for a range of all-Ireland economic initiatives including a Border Economic Zone.

UNITY: CLOSER THAN ANYONE THINKS

Moya St Leger argues that Irish citizens remain unprepared for unity. It is a slightly modified version of a piece   featured in the Irish Democrat on 17 May 2007  Moya St Leger. Connolly Association president  2002-2008.


IRELAND COULD unite within ten years. All the indicators suggest as much. These include the steady demographic shift in the North; the assurance of Her Majesty's Government that Britain has "no selfish strategic or economic interest" in Northern Ireland; the pledge of both the Irish and British governments to support legislation to bring about a united Ireland if both parts of Ireland vote in favour of it, and the fact that political obstacles have been removed to this end.

Yet in the Irish Republic, at home, in the office, on the street, in bars and restaurants, in cabs and buses, not a word is said. Ninety years after the Easter rising - republicans excepted - a nation remains resolutely silent on the one historical imperative for which their forebears fought and died.

There is some talk of a united Ireland in the North but virtually none in the Republic. This has been noted by the Connolly Association. Since an end to partition is closer than it has ever been, in London we have been swapping our own theories on why so few in Ireland wish to comment.

In Dublin recently, a brilliant young film-maker was unequivocal in her view: "United Ireland? You can keep the north. We don't want those troublemakers," she said.

Understandable. Twenty-five years of bombing and shooting in the north caused people in the Republic to draw back in fright and distance themselves from their northern neighbours. Nationalism became associated with violence, so republicans were banned from radio and TV, and military parades at Easter abandoned.

Hostile media coverage of the IRA campaign mimicked the biased reporting in the British media. The representation of the IRA as a bunch of depraved criminals, whose thuggery bore no historical resemblance to the armed struggle of the 'old IRA', suited certain political elements in the Republic who were nervous of Sinn Fein's all-Ireland focus.

The unremitting anti-republicanism of the mainstream Irish media left no room for dispassionate political analysis and debate. The respectful stance of successive Irish governments vis-à-vis Britain persuaded the Irish that any talk of a united Ireland was tantamount to siding with terrorists.

People were led to believe there was a moral gulf between the 'old IRA' who fought in the war of independence and the Provos, as if a fundamentally different moral standard could be applied to the Soloheadbeg ambush of the RIC in 1919 and the mortar attack on the Newry RUC police station in 1979.

This schizophrenic attitude became the default mindset of the majority. It led to reluctance in the south to acknowledge the north as part of a country with shared ancient Irish roots present before the colonial period. A casualty of this disconnection is the younger generation, who grew up with no strong feelings about the border.

Another young Dubliner, an IT consultant, summed it up. "The north isn't our concern. Let the politicians get on with whatever they're doing, we've got better things to do with our time". He admitted to having little interest in Irish history. The tales of a handful of over-nineties reminiscing about the 1920s in country snugs never reached the ears of the Celtic Tiger generation hanging out in their trendy bars in the cities.

Now the Celtic Tiger is dead and the Irish of the Republic have seen their dreams shattered by having blindly nailed the Irish tricolour to the EU mast, Sinn Fein is increasing its TDs in the Dail, and Gerry Adams TD gaining influence in the Republic with his relentless unification campaign. Adams has clearly seen that relying on the Good Friday Agreement to produce constitutional change is not enough.

The under-forties in the Republic cannot empathize with the powerful emotions and zeal which fuelled the war of independence and the civil war. Never having experienced British hegemony, they see no point in challenging the status of the north, even less in discussing it.

Undeterred by the nation's waning interest, Albert Reynolds an astute businessman turned politician, who had never let the border impede his commercial activities, decided the conflict had to end.

By entering into talks with British Prime Minister John Major, the Taoiseach risked his political career in an effort "to overcome the legacy of history and to heal the divisions".

The seismic movement of the political ground triggered by the Reynolds-Major talks resulted in the Downing Street Declaration of 1993. Five years later, the multi-party Good Friday agreement received the consent of 94.39 per cent in the Republic.

Some Protestants in Northern Ireland's business community already locked into the global economy are wondering whether unification would be such a bad thing after all - provided they can keep their British passports!

The grindingly slow process agreed by the British and Irish governments of creating a stable Northern Ireland should not impede a nationwide debate in the whole of Ireland about the country's future. Adams is right to encourage that debate. He of all people knows the British will not discourage it because a national debate within the whole of Ireland accords with the unstated British long view that ultimately sovereignty of the north will have to be surrendered for chiefly economic reasons.

The state visit of the Queen to Ireland in 2011 was no courtesy visit. It signified the Crown's formal acknowledgement of the Irish Republic.  One day a British monarch will be signing an Act of Parliament ceding the six remaining northern counties to the Republic.  The royal visit of 2011 laid the necessary foundation for that Act of Parliament.

Preparing the ground for a united Ireland is laborious and takes time. The constitutional issues are relatively straightforward, but it is not premature for the Irish people north and south to start talking about the daunting practicalities of unification and, crucially, who will fund it.

Accommodating six extra counties will pose a huge challenge for the Republic's institutions and the British civil servants eventually tasked with cooperation in the process. Public discussion is needed in Ireland on how to tackle uniting the administration, the judiciary, education and local government.

The merging of health care facilities and transport infrastructure, not to mention the replacement of sterling with the Euro (if it still exists) and all that entails, require meticulous forward planning. A national debate requires the input of ideas from professionals in all fields. Germany is still working on overcoming the epic obstacles of its unification 24 years later. It is an ongoing process.

A divided Ireland has not been written in stone and acting as if devolution is the end of the road, while being a diplomatic stance to adopt vis-a-vis. unionists, will not stem the inexorable tide of history.

Posted in: Feature from Elsewhere

GERRY ADAMS BRIT FEIN GULAG GROUCHO MARX

GERRY ADAMS WRONG ATTACKING 

                                   10,000 HUMAN RIGHTERS

They describe themselves as Marxist felons: lazy,
middle-aged, fat, and self-obsessed. Their low-tech politics and latest coalition with Fianna Fail and support of Political Internment without trial, is not principled politics, they agree, but "hooligan improvisation." They grew up with Marx as their hero - first name Groucho.

Theses on Groucho Marxism

by Bob Black

Groucho Marxism, the theory of comedic revolution is much more than a blueprint for crass struggle: like a red light in a window, it illuminates humanity's inevitable destiny, the declasse society. G-Marxism is the theory of permanent felon revelry. (Down boy! There, that's a good dogma.)




The example of the Marx Brothers themselves shows the unity of Marxist theory and practice (for instance, when Groucho insults somebody while Harpo picks his pocket). Moreover, Marxism is dialectical (isn't Chico the classic dialect comedian?). Comedians who fail to synthesize theory and practice (to say nothing of those who fail to sin at all) are un-Marxist. Subsequent comedians, failing to grasp that separation is “the discrete charm of the bourgeoisie,” have lapsed into mere pratfalls on the one hand, and mere prattle on the other.




Because G-Marxism is practical, its acheivements can never be reduced to mere humor, entertainment, or even “art.” (The æsthetes, after all, are less interested in the appreciation of art than in art that appreciates.) After a genuine Marxist sees a Marx Brothers movie, he tells himself: “If you think that was funny, take a look at your life!”




Contempary G-Marxists must resolutely denounce the imitative, vulgar “Marxism” of the Three Stooges, Monty Python, and Bugs Bunny. Instead of vulgar Marxism, we must return to authentic Marxist vulgarity. Rectumification is likewise in order for those deluded comrades who think that “the correct line” is what the cop makes them walk when he pulls them over.




Class-conscious Marxists (that is, Marxists who are conscious that they have no class) must spurn the anemic, trendy, narcissistic “comedy” of comedic revisionists like Woody Allen and Jules Feiffer. Already the comedic revolution has superseded mere neurosis - it's ludic but not ludicrous, discriminating but not discriminatory, militant but not military, and adventurous but not adventurist. Marxists realise that today you have to look into a funhouse mirror to see the way you really are.
Although not entirely lacking in glimmers of Marxist insight, socialist (sur)realism must be distinguished from G-Marxism. It is true that Salvador Dali once gave Harpo a harp made out of barbed wire; however, there is no evidence that Harpo ever played it.




Above all, it is essential to renounce and revile all comedic sectarianism such as that of the equine Trots. As is well-known, Groucho repeatedly proposed sex but opposed sects. For Groucho, then, there was a difference between being a Trot and being hot to trot. Further, the Trot slogan “Wages for Horsework” smacks of reform, not revelry. Trot efforts to claim A Day at the Races and Horsefeathers for their tendency must be indignantly rejected; in truth National Velvet is more their style.

The burning issue confronting G-Marxists today is the party question, which - naive, reductionist “Marxists” to the contrary - is more than just “Whay wasn't I invited?” That never stopped Groucho! Marxists need their own disciplined vanguard party, since they're rarely welcome at anybody else's.




Guided by the Marxist leader-dogmas of misbehaviourism and hysterical materialism, inevitably the masses will embrace, not only G-Marxism, but also each other.




Groucho Marxism, then, is the tour de farce of comedy. As Harpo is reliably reported to have said: " " In other words, comedy is riotous or it is nothing! So much to do, so many to do it to! On your Marx, get set - go!

a

MURDER OF GOVERNMENT MINISTER BY BRITISH SECRET SERVICES PROBABLE

 

Attacks on British Police “justified”, 

according to Protestant Coalition in 

British Occupied Ireland

Sam McCrory, chairman of the Protestant Coalition also said that British Police in British Occupied ireland “took a very good beating and rightly so”.Mr McCrory, explicitly defended the loyalist violence on Facebook.

The Protestant Coalition supported by the hardline position of the UVF’s political wing, the PUP, which condemned the rioting. This follow previous comments by another loyalist politician In a conversation on Facebook, who responded to someone else's post about an imaginary attack on a memorial parade in Castlederg in which several people including Sinn Féin figures are murdered. To which the elected politician from the leading Protestant Party the DUP replied: "We would have done a great service to Northern Ireland and the world." Unfortunately right now across most of the Irish political spectrum and the British 'intelligence' community it seems to be the only point of agreement.

And in a separate video produced by the Protestant Coalition, Mr McCrory boasted of diverting Friday night’s anti internment march entering Royal Avenue. After the riot, McCrory said: “It’s been a victory for the Protestant, unionist, loyalist community here in the centre of Belfast. Dissident republicans didn’t get parading through the middle of our city. They were re-routed. In the end they accepted defeat. We claim the victory, so we do, for the decent citizens of Belfast.”

On Facebook on Saturday, responding to a comment, that Loyalist violence in Belfast was wrong, Mr McCrory said: “David I disagree with you regarding the word WRONG. I do believe that you should replace it with the word JUSTIFIED. As one who was on the ground throughout yesterday and evening, I witnessed the brutality of the police against men, women and children, without provocation and just to satisfy someone’s agenda.

This is not the first time that I have witnessed events like this when police wade in hours before a parade takes place in order to get it started.They took a very good beating and rightly so because we [the people have had enough and what happened last night is just the beginning of the tide turning. When the deck is unfairly stacked against you the only way is to challenge the dealer whatever way that you can.”

A Unionist MLA, John McCallister however last night condemned McCrory’s comments, saying “There’s no justification whatsoever for what happened in Belfast on Friday night. When I condemn the violence, there are no ifs, buts or wherefores: it was wrong. Injuring police, wrecking our image internationally, jeopardising investment, it is wrong,” McCallister also said that far from being a “victory” for unionism, as McCrory claimed, Friday’s loyalist riot had been a disaster for everyone and that the “vast majority” of people would find it “crazy” to see a riot as victory.

Meanwhile MI5's spokesperson, the non elected Viceroyal Villiers has gagged the only republican who became a Minister in the Stormont Executive, despite MI5 efforts to block her. After British Secret Services, had already refused the British Prime Minister permission, to allow a public inquiry, into Britain's Secret Service murders, of an Irish journalist and two human rights lawyers, they have now gagged Culture Minister Caral Ni Chuilin  from  publishing the details of Britain's murder of Paddy McAdorey in Belfast in 1971, their murder of a social worker, student Michael Donnelly in 1980, and the murder of mother Sarah Larmour in 1979.

Following the release of sensitive inquest documents, relating to three British murders by the British Minister Caral Ni Chuilin, emergency proceedings were issued by the Chief Constable and Viceroyal Villiers, to gag their own minister, who happens to be and Irish republican of sorts, who would not follow MI5 orders like her colleagues. Culture Minister Caral Ni Chuilin personally handed over the court files to victims' group Relatives for Justice Law firm. A decision over when the information relating to three killings stretching back more than 40 years should be given full public access has been postponed until Thursday.

The two English overlords in British occupied ireland, Matt Baggott and Theresa Villiers believe sensitive details, which could identify British force members, should have been removed before circulation by their Republican minister. The Injustice Minister Ford, another sockpuppet for Britain's Secret Service MI5 said, he is "extremely disappointed" Minister Ni Chuilin had the cheek to disobey, his orders or British Secret Service's advice, before passing on the files.

Minister Ni Chuilin's department is responsible for the Public Record Office where the data is held. Lawyers for Viceroyal Villiers and the British Secret Services, secured a temporary injunction or gagging order, to block their circulation. Outside the court, lawyer Niall Murphy of KRW Law, representing one of the victims family, expressed concern at the timing of the move, pointed out that the injunction prevents yet again,the material by next of kin seeking a fresh inquiry into the British murder.

Mr Murphy said; "The attempt by the Secretary of State and the Chief Constable to overturn the minister's decision is a major setback to the cause of seeking to ensure the state's compliance with its positive obligations under Article 2 of the European Convention of Human Rights."

Minister Ford who along with the two British overlords, is also responsible for the internment without trial of Martin Corey for more than three years, said: "I'm extremely disappointed that she doesn't seem to be taking advice from my department, the British police, and she has gone ahead and issued those documents."There are now real fears for the life of the disobedient Minister, who is also believed to have received a severe tongue lashing, from her compromised, male colleagues, because of her disobedience to British MI5 and the big wigs of British Sinn Fein's inner circle. 

After the British State murders of Human Rights lawyers, Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson, along with Journalist Martin O'Hagan, with Britain's Secret Services providing the intelligence, training and mentoring loyalist agents, to shoot and bomb the lawyers, many observers are now drawing comparison, between Minister Ni Chuilin and the British Governments bombing, with specialist Secret Service equipment of Human Rights lawyer Rosemary Nelson. Many are also convinced, that it is just a question of time, before MI5 have the disobedient British Minister liquidated, by a loyalist bomb under her state carriage as a warning to any other restless natives who may be hiding in British Sinn Fein.

JOIN HUMAN RIGHTS BOYCOTT OF BRUTISH BEAST

The word boycott entered the English language during the Irish "Land War" and is derived from the name of Captain Charles Boycott, the land agent of an absentee landlord, Lord Erne, who lived in Lough Mask House, near Ballinrobe in County Mayo, Ireland, who was subject to social ostracism organized by the Irish Land League in 1880. As harvests had been poor that year, Lord Erne offered his tenants a ten percent reduction in their rents. In September of that year, protesting tenants demanded a twenty five percent reduction, which Lord Erne refused. Boycott then attempted to evict eleven tenants from the land. 

Charles Stewart Parnell, in a speech in Ennis prior to the events in Lough Mask, proposed that when dealing with tenants who take farms where another tenant was evicted, rather than resorting to violence, everyone in the locality should shun them. While Parnell's speech did not refer to land agents or landlords, the tactic was first applied to Boycott when the alarm was raised about the evictions. Despite the short-term economic hardship to those undertaking this action, Boycott soon found himself isolated — his workers stopped work in the fields and stables, as well as in his house. Local businessmen stopped trading with him, and the local postman refused to deliver mail.

The concerted action taken against him meant that Boycott was unable to hire anyone toharvest the crops in his charge. Eventually 50 Orangemen from Cavan and Monaghanvolunteered to do the work. They were escorted to and from Claremorris by one thousandpolicemen and soldiers, despite the fact that the local Land League leaders had said that there would be no violence from them, and in fact no violence materialized. This protection ended up costing far more than the harvest was worth. After the harvest, the "boycott" was successfully continued. Within weeks Boycott's name was everywhere. It was used by The Times in November 1880 as a term for organized isolation. 

According to an account in the book “The Fall of Feudalism in Ireland” by Michael Davitt, the term was promoted by Fr. John O'Malley of County Mayo to "signify ostracism applied to a landlord or agent like Boycott". The Times first reported on November 20, 1880: “The people of New Pallas have resolved to 'boycott' them and refused to supply them with food or drink.” The Daily News wrote on December 13, 1880: “Already the stoutest-hearted are yielding on every side to the dread of being 'Boycotted'.” By January of the following year, the word was being used figuratively: "Dame Nature arose.... She 'Boycotted' London from Kew to Mile End" (The Spectator, January 22, 1881).

Other instances of boycotts are their use by African Americans during the US civil rights movement (notably the Montgomery Bus Boycott); the United Farm Workers union grape and lettuce boycotts; the American boycott of British goods at the time of the American Revolution; the Indian boycott of British goods organized by Mohandas Gandhi;