RELEASE MARTIN COREY FROM BRITAIN'S SCUM STATE OF OPPRESSION

The Irish Government took a case to the European Commission on Human Rights (Ireland v. United Kingdom), regarding the introduction of internment without trial and the treatment of Irish political prisoners of conscience in British Occupied Ireland arrested around the same time Martin Corey was first incarcerated and tortured in Long Kesh Concentration Camp. The British used five techniques which they later taught to the Americans for use in places like Abu Graib later on. These included wall-standing, hooding, subjection to noise, deprivation of sleep, and deprivation of food and drink


The European Commission stated it "considered the combined use of the five methods, amounted to torture, on the grounds that (a) the intensity of the stress, caused by techniques creating sensory deprivation "directly affects the personality physically and mentally"; (b) "the systematic application of the techniques for the purpose of inducing a person to give information shows a clear resemblance to those methods of systematic torture, which have been known over the ages.. as a modern system of torture, falling into the same category, as those systems.applied in previous times as a means of obtaining information and confessions."


Forty years later despite a so called peace process, the British are still enforcing internment (albeit under a different title, sanitized to 'detention', without trial in British Occupied Ireland, while still torturing Irish political prisoners of conscience. The numbers are too numerous to list here, with 63 year old Martin Corey being  just one of the better known victims.


The European Court of Human Rights also later found the British were again guilty in the case of another Irish woman Mairead Farrell, who was shot in the back in cold blood by British Special Assassination Services unarmed in Gibraltar, along with her two comrades, the European Court found that the three had been unlawfully killed in breach of Article 2 - right to life, of the European Convention on Human Rights and criticized the British for lack of appropriate care in the control and their organisation in an an arrest operation.

These two cases and the British activity surrounding them, are essential ingredients to the case of Martin Corey now pending in the European Courts almost 40 year later, despite British Government undertakings that it would cease with these international war crimes in British Occupied Ireland. Now with the 9/11 narrative the British clearly believe that with American support they have a licence to kill at will and carry on again with more war crimes and human rights abuses in Ireland as the case of the interned elderly 63 year old Martin Corey clearly demonstrates


Despite a cosmetic Peace Process masking further repression, forty years later, the British are still enforcing internment without trial in British Occupied Ireland and still torturing Irish political prisoners of conscience. The numbers are too numerous to list here, with 63 year old Martin Corey just one of the better known victims. Martin's torture is more subtle and disguised now than the naked torture and brutality he first received from the jackboot, batons and fists of the British. An example being an emergency request that took almost a month for Martin to see the prison dentist, despite suffering ongoing intense pain. He was later told his initial request had been cancelled due to lack of transport. 

His ongoing treatment by sectarian appointed staff, make his daily life hard, very hard, because of his senior years and this blatant campaign of victimization which has been unrelenting for all of the 22 years starting with his torture in in Long Kesh Concentration Camp forty years ago. Martin's aged increasingly frail body, is daily wracked with pain, from all of the beatings and old injuries  he received over the years of brutal beatings, but he is too foolishly, proud to personally complain.


Another example of this petty approach by the British, to make his life hard, is a concerted campaign of victimization organized by the Prison Service against Martin Corey, when on the 11th of February, this year, Martin and two other prisoners submitted completed handcraft projects as St, Valentine’s Day as gifts for their wives and partners. The other two prisoners had visits with their loved collecting their craft items. Martin had a visit from his partner but when she went to the collection point requested by Martin, she was told there were no items for collection and to call back in a week. Several items left for Martin months ago were never received. Martin has still not received notice of  his complaints being delivered to the Prison Ombudsman.


Human rights activists who campaign on behalf of Martin Have have also been imprisoned by the British, with the chairperson of the release Martin Corey Committee, Cait Trainor being arrested for attending protests and sent to prison. Thousands of Irish republicans who marched in Lurgan, to highlight the internment of Martin Corey, quietly and peacefully, were met by the RUC/PSNI and were informed that they were taking part in illegal parades and that prosecutions would follow, with every participant recorded and followed on police video cameras.

In the following days a many people were awakened at daybreak by the British taken from their homes, questioned about their involvement in an "illegal parade" and informed they would be facing legal proceedings. Subsequently 14 Irish Republicans sat through a three day trial accused of taking part in an "illegal parade". All were "convicted" with participating in an illegal Parade with two people further convicted of organizing the parade. All 14 people were convicted, some given fined while others were imprisoned in Maghaberry and Hydebank Wood.


All of this contrasted to the weeks of "illegal" parading by British loyalist flag protesters in the same area, who got 5 star RUC comfort treatment, despite days of rioting, with nationalist homes under attack and countless roads blocked, while the RUC in Portadown facilitated their marches weekly for months on end, until they were forced eventually to take token action. Campaigners for Martin, as in this instance, have received death threats from agents hired by the British secret service. All of this is meant to silent support for those campaigning for the release of Martin Corey.

Martin Corey who has been interned now on this latest occasion for over three years without charge or trial, was ordered to be immediately released by a Judge Treacy, who ruled that Martin Corey's human rights had been breached and that he should be released immediately. This was overruled by the un-elected British Viceroyal, as Martin Corey sat in the reception of the prison, with his belongings packed, waiting to embrace his family, waiting outside the prison gate. Naturally they were distraught when the British government underhandedly intervened and blocked his release and he was interned again, with an undemocratic British order, overruling their own injustice system.


Martin's local lawyer Rosemary Nelson in Lurgan was murdered by British state agents, while the lawyer Pat Finucane, who was an expert on European Law, where Martin now is forced to take his case, has also been murdered by British state agents. The local journalist in Lurgan who would normally highlight cases such as Martin's plight in the media, was also murdered by British state agents. This citizen journalist along with others who have also tried to publish the daily injustice of British Occupied Ireland, have been censored in Ireland and have received death threats from hired British agents.


Peter Murphy, Martin's lawyer says, Martin Corey has been denied the right to a fair trial,  "It's like internment all over again in the sense that he hasn't been given the chance to defend his position. When we ask questions about the nature of the allegations and evidence against our client we are told nothing.In any criminal court you can meet your accuser, you have a chance to cross-examine them, and you have a chance to defend yourself because you're given the detail of what the allegations are against you. We don't have any of that, so our client is in a very difficult situation in that he's sitting in prison not knowing why he's there."

Martin's lawyers are to challenge the internment of Martin Corey in the European courts, if both they and Martin live long enough to actually get there. With Britain's record on human rights, its hard to say. The British cover their dirty tracks, with regard to their inhumanity, by cosmetically sanitizing it, renaming internment without trial as 'detention', by renaming Long Kesh Concentration Camp as the H-Blocks but then with further bad publicity following the deaths of 10 hunger strikers, they renamed it the Maze. 

Now the British plan to demolish most of it and have moved the political internees into a political prison, hidden within a criminal prison, called Maghaberry, where political internees wait for years on secret service trials, of which they have no details of charges, length of sentence, or content of secret evidence of paid informers. So it is obviously impossible to defend oneself in such circumstance. A secret court is obviously not a trial at all, except in the twisted perception of the most twisted, ever expanding secret service, injustice racketeers, paid for by British taxpayer monies.

Martin's hope, is with people like you and me, campaigning, spreading the word, despite the British and their agents, assassinations and censorship. If one of us fall or are also interned, we must be replaced by even greater numbers, resharing, retweeting, demonstrating, signing petitions which can be found at http://www.releasemartincorey.com

Martin Corey is essentially at 63 an old man, whose active freedom fighting days are long past in militant sense of defending his local community but from the British perspective, any truth teller is a subversive. Martin is being held up as an example through internment, as a stick to wave at the thousands of ex-prisoners and comrades of Martin, who have been processed and interned for years, in what is still known as Long Kesh Concentration Camp by all freedom loving people, worldwide. 

The British under the guise of the essentially nowdefunct Peace Process, are buying off possible resistance, with lucrative careers on policing boards, committees, sham local parliaments for those willing to stay quiet about all of this injustice and to collude with the British, in their repression of Irish communities, to essentially keep them quiet, about all of this sectarian, racist injustice, that is a central feature, in the maintenance of this scum British statelet, created and maintained strictly on a sectarian headcount. With propaganda they would have the Irish working class believe, that they are enemy, not the British whose policy in Ireland, is always, divide and conquer.

This is the essential background to Martin Corey's predicament who after the murder of 14 innocent, unarmed, civil rights demonstrators, defended his Irish community in Lurgan, who were invaded  almost daily, by British sponsored death squads, often in the disguise of RUC uniforms, murdering at random on a religious basis, peaceful people in their homes. Martin who shot these RUC invaders, who were subsequently disgraced and disbanded, in the course of his unselfish defence his community, against all the odds, has served 22 years for essentially being a patriot of political conscience, defending his community. 

There was meant to be a peace process to bring closure to all of this, which we now learn was never finalized, the details of which are being kept secret both by the British and their now serving British ministers in the suits of Gerry Adams and his secretive colleagues. In the the Weston park accord (20) which directly affects Martin and comrades which is not been implemented, Gerry Adams despite being being challenged in his capacity as a principal negotiator, has refused to clarify the details. Clearly after all this time and the hardship endured, not just by Martin but Gerry Adams own colleagues like John Downey but provisional Sinn fein in their elected capacity, are meant to be both accountable and responsible as professed Irish republicans. This is totally unacceptable, even to the most token Irish republican.This is the initial paragraph 20 of the Weston Park Accord:

20. Both Governments also recognize that there is an issue to be addressed, with the completion of the early release scheme, about supporters of organisations now on cease-fire against whom there are outstanding prosecutions, and in some cases extradition proceedings, for offences committed before 10 April 1998. Such people would, if convicted,
stand to benefit from the early release scheme. The Governments accept that it would be a natural development of the scheme for such prosecutions not to be pursued and will as soon as possible, and in any event before the
end of the year, take such steps as are necessary in their jurisdictions to resolve this difficulty so that those concerned are no longer pursued.


In this contrived open prison, British society, which is as sick as its many, many secrets, Gerry Adams has refused to clarify the details about all of this, playing politics with occasional feint support for the aging, frail, tortured body of Martin Corey. In the interest of justice and possible republican unity at this point, I will not elaborate further on this matter. However bearing in mind Martin Corey's elderly years, this in not tenable, indefinitely. Bottom line Gerry Adams and his colleagues do have the power to Release Martin Corey immediately. For those of you sitting on the fence, please bring it to their attention, that you are aware of this and they have as elected officials albeit British, have moral responsibilities now meant to be accountable, as highly paid British ministers have with their commoners, with regard to all of these injustices, that are destroying the basis of an enduring, genuine, Peace Process.

GET UP OFF YOUR KNEES, YOU EEJIT !

By Vincent Browne

If in 10 years’ time, 1,000 or more bankers, lawyers, accountants, liquidators and others implicated in the bank crisis are in jail and if the same deference to wealth, big business and financial power persists, then we will have learned nothing of consequence. All the hand-wringing will have been in vain.

Almost certainly the reason Brian Cowen and Brian Lenihan capitulated to pressure from the banking world on September 30th, 2008, was not because they were corrupt, nor because of any golden crony circle, but because they were in awe of the power of high finance and feared that if high finance were challenged it would be catastrophic for the nation.

Garret FitzGerald, Alan Dukes and John Bruton did the same back in 1985 when the then overpaid chiefs of AIB came to them demanding a bailout because of their incompetence in allowing an insurance company, ICI, get into massive trouble. They caved in. Within a few months, AIB recorded enormous profits and paid out a huge dividend to their shareholders, lest they, the shareholders, be in any way discomforted. As usual, the Irish people paid for this, that time via a bank levy.

Ordinary Irish citizens
It was that same deference that was at play again in September 2008 – a deference that reflexively deferred to bond holders and huge depositors who took risks, at the possible expense of ordinary Irish citizens (in reality, at enormous expense to generations of ordinary Irish citizens).

How was it, in any case, that we allowed a few financial institutions to attain such enormous power to the extent that we, the Irish people, already exploited by these banks, had to rush to their rescue when their recklessness put them in peril?

The deference is there on the tax haven business – we allow our jurisdiction to be used as a bolthole by multinational corporations to avoid paying tax anywhere and so deep is that deference that we deny that reality.

It is evident again in our deference to the pharmaceutical industry in allowing them to use prices fixed for Ireland as a base level to maintain exorbitant prices for generic drugs here and through the rest of Europe. Evident in stubborn resistance to any suggestion that people earning high incomes be taxed more, in the dismissal of a social model with much greater equality. Evident in the proposals that income tax be reduced for vastly overpaid executives and professionals, even at a time of financial stringency.

It is as though there were a law of nature whereby the wealthy elite must be mollycoddled, while the rest of society struggles. That our primary concern must be the contentedness of the privileged and wealthy, lest they cease to lend us the finance to fund our deficits, lest they cease to create wealth or delay doing so and lest the trickle-down of their wealth to the masses be shut off.

The language of Anglo executives, as revealed by the tapes, has shocked many because of the indifference to the public welfare that this represents. But isn’t our culture founded on an indifference to the public welfare, except as an afterthought or incidental?

What else has informed the Coalition’s action on their election promise to ensure “burden-sharing” on the bank debt? Once it was perceived that pursuit of that promise would alienate the masters of the EU universe, the promise was dishonoured. They promised to “protect the vulnerable” and did the opposite. Would it be surprising if a similar crudity of attitude and language, as exemplified by the Anglo executives in the tapes of their private conversations, were replicated in the private conversations of government ministers and senior public servants?

The proposed inquiry into the banking crisis will not address that culture, for there is no challenge to the pervasiveness of that culture, a culture that the market prevails. It is not Deutschland über alles, but markets über alles. So any inquiry will miss the main point.

A focus on Fianna Fáil will fail to acknowledge the complicity of Fine Gael and Labour in almost every single iota of the policy agenda that caused and drove the crisis.

The partisanship evident in the lead-up to an inquiry will compromise whatever credibility it might have had. The expectation that any such public inquiry will be inexpensive and swift is certain to prove illusory. There will be as many teams of expensive lawyers on hand and frequent excursions to the High Court and Supreme Court to challenge procedures.

Criminal trails
And crucially, the inevitability that any such public inquiry will be derailed again and again by the criminal trials that are due in the Circuit Criminal Courts over the coming years.

Seán Fitzpatrick alone faces two criminal trials and, almost certainly, a third; these extend well into 2014.

There is another option: a commission of inquiry, to be held in camera, out of the public gaze for now, but not derailed by the criminal trials or other diversions. This conducted by a judge, a banking expert and someone who would have knowledge of and interest in the culture thing – the mindset or common sense or hegemony that brought about the crisis and continues to corrupt our society.

But of course that will not happen.

Martin Corey Hung Out to Dry by Fickle Republican Politicians - Indymedia Ireland

Martin Corey Hung Out to Dry by Fickle Republican Politicians - Indymedia Ireland:

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LONG KESH CONCENTRATION CAMP | Martin Corey Interned BRITISH OCCUPIED IRELAND

During the seventies, former bishop of Derry Edward Daly experienced Bloody Sunday close up, where the British shot dead 14 unarmed protesters on Bloody Sunday protesting internment, he gave them their last rites. He visited both loyalist and republican prisoners in the infamous Long Kesh Concentration Camp – later renamed by the disgraced British as the Maze.

In 1976, paramilitary prisoners had their ‘political’ status removed and were treated as criminals which sparked the blanket protests and political prisoners refused to wear jail uniforms, which  later escalated into hunger strikes. Below is an an extract from Bishop Daly's book, describing the foul conditions at Long Kesh Concentration Camp, where current political internee Martin Corey, has spent most of his adult life.  He is 63 now, having spent 22 years as a political prisoner of conscience in British hellholes, 19 years in Long Kesh, seperate from the  most recent, being 3 years in Maghaberry without trial. He is still interned more than 40 years later, in British Occupied Ireland despite a Peace Process without due process.

IN MARCH 1978, the prisoners ‘on the blanket’ escalated their protest by refusing to clean out their cells, wash or go to the toilet. They smeared the walls and ceilings of their cells with their own excrement and the floors streamed with urine. The lasting memory of visits to Long Kesh during that protest was the horrendous stench. The cells were industrially cleaned by the prison authorities with power hoses from time to time and prisoners were moved to other cells. I have no idea how people lived or worked in those conditions. During my visits there to the wings, I was violently ill on several occasions. The revolting and foul smell seemed to permeate everything I wore, even days after the visit. Items of outer clothing, even after dry cleaning, were virtually unusable subsequently.

In 1980, after four years of unsuccessful protests appealing for special status, a status that would recognise them as political prisoners, prisoners of war rather than criminals, rumours began to circulate that a hunger strike was imminent.

Individually and jointly, Cardinal Tomás Ó Fiaich and I made several lengthy visits to the H-Blocks in Long Kesh Prison in the spring and summer months of 1980, meeting virtually all the protesting prisoners individually in their cells. These visits usually lasted from early morning until late in the evening. We also met with the prison authorities and visited some Loyalist prisoners, including some of their better-known leaders.

‘It was a parallel universe’

Those lengthy visits to Long Kesh are etched forever in my memory. Spending seven or eight hours at a time going around cells visiting young men in those conditions was unforgettable. It was a parallel universe. There were usually two men in each cell. Their hair was matted and they had long unkempt beards. They were thin and haggard and their eyes were sunken. They wore long blankets. There was no furniture in the cells. The stench was intense and allpervasive. I simply do not know how people retained their sanity after spending such a long time in that environment. Yet I always found the prisoners in high spirits and imbued with a steely determination. Only a few of them talked about a hunger strike.

However, Cardinal Ó Fiaich and I were both convinced that if they embarked upon that course, they would see it through. We also believed that if these men were to embark on their threatened hunger strike, it could have disastrous consequences for the community as a whole. We decided to approach the British Government jointly on behalf of the prisoners. We believed that they had a legitimate and arguable case and that both the Government and prisoners and society generally in the North would benefit from a less stringent and degrading prison regime. We reached this conclusion on the basis that were it not for the political circumstances that these young people found themselves in, most of them would never
have seen the inside of a prison. Most of them came from stable family backgrounds.

We also believed that these protests were undertaken on the prisoners’ own initiative, rather than on bidding or orders from any group outside the prison. Equally, we believed that the protest in the prison was perceived by the prisoners as their continuing contribution to the struggle going on outside the prison.

The issue was further complicated by the fact that a sustained paramilitary campaign was going on contemporaneously throughout the North. In the course of that campaign, many prison officers were murdered. Those who perpetrated these murders claimed that they were acting in support of the prisoners on protest. There was intense anger and hatred between the prisoners and prison staff. There were many allegations of assault. Intimate body searches were frequently carried out, often in a brutal and demeaning manner. There are few dignified methods where intimate strip searches are concerned. The searcher and the searched are dehumanised. Long Kesh was a loathsome, hateful place as well as a powder keg as the 1970s moved to the 1980s.

Edward Daly and Cardinal Ó Fiaich would later meet with the British government in an attempt to negotiate an end to the 1981 hunger strikes, in which ten prisoners died. He writes that the strikes worsened community divisions, and intensified violence, concluding: “I hope there will never again be a hunger strike in Ireland.”

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CONCENTRATION CAMP BRITISH OCCUPIED IRELAND SURVIVOR MARTIN COREY INTERNED 3 YEARS AGAIN

Martin Corey who served almost twenty years in Long Kesh Concentration Camp, British Occupied Ireland as a Political Prisoner, has been interned again without trial for the last three years. Martin was released in 199i but despite serving such a lengthy period as a Political Hostage, Martin remained dedicated to his beliefs as an Irish Republican and to his community.

More than three years ago the Lurgan Republican was wrongfully interned in Maghaberry Gaol again on the word of the British Secret Services, MI5. Martin Corey is not guilty of any crime. He simply believes in the re-unification of his country and has not been involved in any militant activity,since his release in 1992. It is not a crime to be Irish or peacefully demonstrate support for Eire Nua, unless you live in the scum state of British Occupied Ireland

The British are simply making an example of Martin, to strike fear in all those who would dare stand up for their human rights, particularly the thousands of ex-Political Prisoners after the peace process in Ireland who would support peaceful alternatives to provisional Sinn Fein. The British and their agents in the supposed free state are censoring peaceful working class alternatives to a united island of Ireland.


Those within the Nationalist and Republican community who have taken up seats in the British parliament of Stormont or on British paramilitary police boards, must ask themselves will they continue to be silent partners in these tactics of British repression. Last time internment was introduced, it started 40 years od war in Ireland and the Nationalist party of that time the SDLP walked out of the British parliament. Jim McIlmurray a totally non political friend wrote the following;"Martin Corey has spent three years in Maghaberry Prison without any charges ever being placed against him. During that time, police have never questioned or interviewed Martin regarding any incident, occurrence or event relating to his imprisonment.

So who is Martin Corey ?

Martin Corey is a 63 year old man who served more than 19 years of his life in Long Kesh Concentration Camp as a republican prisoner. He was released by the prison authorities in 1992 and began to rebuild his life. He is a popular figure from a well respected, hard-working family in the town.

It was a proud day for Martin when he was granted a loan to purchase his own mechanical digger. After a time, he gained the contract as the parish grave digger, covering several cemeteries in the greater Lurgan area. Many people, myself included, will recall his compassionate approach and professionalism during the time of families' bereavement.

In all the time I have known Martin, I have only known his interests to be his family, his friends and his love of coarse fishing.

On Friday, April 16th, 2010, the police arrived at his O’Neill’s Terrace home and told him they had a warrant for his arrest. Martin was brought to Lurgan PSNI station and later that day transferred to Maghaberry prison. It was stated he broke the terms of his Life Licence release. When his solicitor requested to know what Martin was alleged to have done, he was told it a matter of National Security and the subject of closed file information.

For the past three years, his solicitor and lawyers have challenged his unlawful detention on numerous occasions in the High Court. On Monday, the 9th of July, 2012, a High Court judge, Justice Seamus Tracy, who has a background in the European Human Rights Courts, ordered Martin’s immediate release, stating that his Human Rights had been breached under sections 4 and 5 of the European Human Rights act and that there were no charges for which he should answer. I waited for 4 hours outside Maghaberry with Martin’s family that day, only to be told at 4:15pm that the then current Secretary of State, Owen Patterson, had overruled the High Court judge and blocked Martin's release. I was 25 yards away from Martin when I received that call. I watched him step out of the prison van at the reception centre and watched him walk back to the van to be returned to his cell. As he got into the van, he paused and stared at me and that will always be one of the hardest and cruelest moments I have ever witnessed in my life.


Martin has a legal entitlement to an annual Parole Board review every twelve calendar months to reevaluate the reasons for his continued detention. I have been accepted to speak on Martin’s behalf; however, every date set for a hearing for Martin last year was followed by a cancellation by the Parole Board, citing numerous excuses. Martin hasn’t received a parole review in 18 months, an action deemed illegal by the Court of Human Rights in Strasburg. We are currently awaiting a date to take this case to the High Court for a judicial review.


Martin has been subjected to a number of incidents during his time in Maghaberry Prison. These incidents include waiting over three weeks for an emergency dental appointment; of note, a veterinarian would have a legal obligation to report a pet owner for cruelty if he found an animal to be suffering for that period. Also, Martin's request for compassionate leave to attend the funeral of his brother was denied by both the Prison Service and the Courts without any reasons given. He was only granted leave to attend 1 hour before the service started after a request was made to the Justice Minister on humanitarian grounds. I had to make three requests to the Prison Ombudsman to intervene in cases concerning material submitted by myself for Martin for use in his cell crafts. The prison staff either confiscated the printed image materials or refused to provide them to Martin. The Prison Ombudsman upheld all three decisions in Martin’s favour, ruling against the Northern Ireland Prison Service and determining that the material must be provided to Martin.

Martin’s case has been in the High Court in Belfast several times over the past three years, without any finding of criminal offence with which to charge him. Had Martin been charged with possession of an illegal firearm during his arrest three years previously, he would have been released six months ago. There is no other name for his illegal detention other than internment without trail.

As a close friend of Martin's, I am in a better position than most to know if he was ever involved in any activity that could be deemed illegal or “a threat to National Security”, a phrase often utilized by faceless, nameless individuals in the courts. I can say without fear of contradiction that Martin is an innocent man. Everyone should make their voice be heard and call upon the Secretary of State to either bring charges against him or release him immediately.

I speak to Martin by telephone on a daily basis and visit him regularly in Maghaberry Prison, and can assure everyone that his spirits remain high despite his total lack of confidence in the judicial system in the North of Ireland. He thanks everyone for their continued messages of support .

We are currently awaiting a date to attend the Court of Appeal in London to challenge his illegal detention. If unsuccessful there, we will take his case to the European Courts of Justice. We will continue our presence at the Belfast High Court to request the Parole Board to give an explanation as to why Martin has been denied his legal right to an annual Parole Review."

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Political Prisoner of Conscience 

British Occupied Ireland.

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